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Lotus and water chestnut are grown on p a r t of the pond surface for processing into high-value flour, with the residues transformed into high-protein feed. The sweet potatoes and crop remains a r e transformed by microbial processes into high-protein feed; and the beans a r e processed into high-value goods for sale, with the already high-protein residues converted into higher-protein feed b y microbial processes.

There a r e many o t h e r aquatic p l a n t s , fishes and animals that a r e not known in China, but can be of economic significance to i t s r u r a l development programs. The local academics and technologists should pay more attention to these potential resources that can be introduced into the local economy at low costs.

The crops on the dikes a r e not the same a s those in the Dike-Pond System, because t h e aims are different. In the traditional system the crops a r e mulberry leaves for silkworm culture; sugarcane for the s u g a r mills; r i c e , vegetables, f r u i t s a n d l o r flowers for the market; and g r a s s for t h e fish ponds. In the IFS, the main aim is to produce crops a s raw materials for processing into high-value products o r high-protein feedstuffs.

There i s one row of fast-growing nitrogen-fixing t r e e s l b u s h e s and inoculated beans in the middle of every longitudinal dike, and one row of fruit o r oil-bearing t r e e s intercropped with high-yield g r o u n d n u t s and big squashes along the longitudinal edges of the ponds.

Similar t r e e s a r e also planted a s fences and windbreakers, and for shading around the farm and animal houses. The pods and leaves of the t r e e s and bushes a r e raw materials for protein enrichment a s livestock feed; t h e beans and groundnuts a r e processed for sale, with the residues used a s feed materials; the f r u i t s a r e sold in o r d e r to purchase cheap feed materials a s s u b s t r a t e for protein enrichment; a n d the squashes a r e t r a n s formed b y micro-organisms into high-protein feed.

Culture of sweet potatoes and aeroponic culture of various inoculated beans in special plastic containers, t h r e e meters h i g h , a r e done on both sides of the rows of t r e e s , a n d processed a s mentioned above. Multicropping and rotation of leafy vegetables a r e done between the aeroponic s t a n d s , with c r o p s l y e a r.

The vegetables are sold if prices a r e good, o r used a s s u b s t r a t e s for transformation into high-protein feed. Drip irrigation t u b e s a r e used on the ground for the t r e e s l b u s h e s and multicropping; and overhead irrigation pipes for hydroponics and aeroponics.

The industrial operations are limited to processing some crops such a s beans and groundnuts into products such as oil and condiments for sale in order to purchase feed materials which, together with the processing residues, are converted into fermented products of high-protein content and used a s feed.

The remaining crops, including the aquatic ones, are used a s substrates for organisms to perform microbial processes for protein enrichment before they a r e used a s feed. The ultimate aim i s to produce livestock feed of the highest protein content at the lowest cost, using the abundant and efficient natural organisms a s the work force and providing them with the best environmental conditions for optimum growth.

It is to be noted that the industrial operations a r e not labor-intensive, with the farm family itself being able to cope through new skills and more creative processes obtained from the intensive help of modern scientific methods and technological innovations. Biogas is used to provide heat for optimum microbial activity, or electricity for grinding, pressi n g , s t i r r i n g , mixing and other operations, which are all connected with the livestock and crop processing industry.

The appropriate investment should be made so a s to build the solid foundation for the advanced farming techniques and the processing industries, but using a s much a s possible simple machinery and locallyavailable materials and skills. The IFS still benefits from traditional Chinese practices concerning the biological recycling of wastes to recover valuable resources and utilize them beneficially, in order to maintain the intensive but ecologically balanced farming on the dike and in the pond.

It also incorporates science and technology not only to solve the aesthetic and health problems, but also to enhance the bioengineering processes in the interaction between land and water, in o r d e r to utilize free natural resources to produce livestock, fish and crops.

So we a r e able to avoid the wasteful practices of so-called modern farming that i s heavily dependent on expensive machinery and fossil fuel, with substantial use of chemical fertilizers and toxic pesticides that create many environmental problems which are mostly ignored. The livestock wastes represent the most valuable component of the IFS. They must be flushed many times a day into digesters to minimize t h e losses due to ammonia and sulfides, which are lost to the atmosphere and consequently reduce the nitrate and sulfate content of the effluent, resulting in a lower fertilizer value.

The organic compounds in the wastes a r e broken down at a fast rate by anaerobic bacteria, naturally present in the intestines of the livestock, at optimum temperature range of obtained by solar or biogas heating, producing almost instant fuel when compared with the thousands of years required by biomass to become fossil fuel.

The availability of biogas in the rural areas will also stop the cutting of trees and bushes for use a s firewood – a practice that has already caused serious erosion problems in China and other countries. The digesters should be properly designed and built so a s to avoid leakage o r corrosion problems that have often plagued the digester programs. The corrosion problem has been solved in China by eliminating the metal gasholder, and leakage is the result of faulty construction, which can b e avoided if the builders know what they are doing.

Operation and maintenance are simple, and the farmers have themselves to blame – and nobody else – if they do not perform their work properly. However, the design should include all the appropriate breakthroughs obtained worldwide. The algal liquid is moved intermittently by a biogas-operated pump o r compressor. The algae also fix nitrogen and carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, increasing the nitrogen and carbon content of the system for higher-protein feed, b e t t e r fertilizer value, and more available components for organism growth to enhance the microbial processes.

At the same time, oxygen is also r e leased to oxidize the remaining organic content of the wastes into minerals. Such treatment of wastes in ponds i s v e r y effective and economical where waterlogged land i s available, and this has been advocated a decade o r two ago by scientists in L’SA I l l b u t , unfortunately, non-Asian countries were not culturally r e a d y t o r such innovations, which have served Asia so well for centuries.

Fortunately, the oil crisis in the early seventies has encouraged some institutions in USA and even Europe to t r y and change this situation E l. The algal effluent flows into a shallow pond without much health o r pollution problem, because any pathogens that happen to be in the original wastes a r e almost completely destroyed by the various treatment processes. The additional retention in the shallow p o n d , where aquatic plants a r e grown, will eliminate any remaining pathogens before the effluent flows into the deep ponds.

The use of raw wastes in traditional ponds i s responsible for pathogens accumulating inside the fish without showi n g any external sign of infection 1 2 1 , and they can transmit diseases s to humans consuming the fish i f it i not adequately cooked. Also most of the polluting organic matter has been transformed into minerals, but nothing can be done if there are heavy metals present because of industrial pollution, which is not a problem with the IFS.

The highly mineralized water encourages plankton growth to feed various species of fish and prawn if u s e d , and also makes the aquatic and land plants grow faster. These plants remove the minerals so efficiently that the final effluent is almost pure water, which is never the case with any conventional sewage treatment plant anywhere in the world.

The Dike-Pond area in the Pearl River Delta is lucky because there is not much grazing by cattle, sheep and goat, o r monoculture without crop rotation, a s in some neighboring places which should replace such bad practices with integrated farming systems, so i t has no soil depletion problems.

There is no fallow, and the only period when nothing is growing on the dikes is between rice harvesting and planting of winter vegetables, while the paddy fields are waiting to be cultivated, but this can often take a long time if the farmer still relies on himself and his water buffalo to do the work. In the IFS, we are not growing rice, but if we should do so we would integrate a special crayfish with rice cult u r e , as is the practice in part of the USA, and let the crayfish do the cultivation for u s after the rice is harvested, t h u s saving u s a lot of work and time besides having succulent crayfish for sale.

In the IFS, besides using the soil as the media to grow various c r o p s , with the fertility maintained by natural organisms, each pilot plot of land is also used once every two y e a r s for one crop of worm and maggot for use as feed and fertilizer, which are in short supply or relatively expensive in most Third World countries. Such activities can revive the fertility of large areas of land that have been depleted of their nutrients because ot excessive grazing o r monoculture worldwide.

The system of dikes and ponds also p r e v e n t s erosion of the precious soil because i t can only b e washed from t h e dikes into the ponds. The mud from the bottom of all ponds is removed by means of a special pump and spread on the dikes every two months, before broadcasting new seeds in the multicropping process that can yield up to 1 2 crops of leafy vegetables yearly in hot climates, without tilling, using the highly mineralized pond water tor irrigation and fertilization.

It should also b e noted that in the IFS neither the livestock nor the human excreta a r e used directly as fertilizer, but are fully treated first – in fact, the treatment is far superior than what is done in any other c o u n t r y , so all the products should meet the most stringent standards anywhere.

No chemical fertilizers, except for some trace elements, o r toxic pesticides are used so a s to avoid the insurmountable pollution problems plaguing many countries, including China which i s indiscriminately using such poisonous materials in some regions with irresponsible disregard of the consequences in the name of modernization.

The IFS Pilot Farm demonstrates the rational utilization of all available resources – human, environmental, material and energy – with the physical, chemical, biological and microbial processes to maintain a favorh l e ecological cycle integrating livestock, aquaculture, agriculture and i n d u s t r y , using the residues of one process iia input for one o r more of the tollowing processes.

It mobilizes all the human, natural and scientific forces of production to utilize the available resources in symbiotic relationships to develop animals, b i r d s , algae, fish, plants, trees and agro-industries simultaneously as an integrated whole, instead of having any one ot them at the expense of another. The primary aim i s to narrow the socio-economic gap between urban and rural areas by promoting other activities besides the traditional subsistence farming- t h a t , despite the hard work, has brought nothing’ but poverty to the countryside.

Since the new responsibility system was e s tablished less than a decade ago, many farm families have increased their output and income b y getting involved in integrated farmingindustry-commerce operations, and are now much b e t t e r off than most urban workers.

Some even own China’s few private airplanes and sophisticated computers, as well a s most of i t s private c a r s and other motor vehicles However, it is still not good enough because they have become dependent on chemical fertilizers and pesticides, o r are not concerned enough about environmental pollution and degradation that will threaten future rural and even industrial development; o r about energy input-output deficits that were unknown in traditional farming.

Modern farming, based on energy input-output balance using a special computer program, a s practiced in USA, shows a deficit factor of l; in Britain, 6 : 1 ; and in Japan, 4 : 1. A similar assessment applied to Chinese farming in an eco-village outside Beijing, using digesters and fish ponds to recycle the energy and fertilizer resources, shows a favorable factor of 1. There is no doubt that the energy inputoutput balance in the IFS of Livestock-Aquaculture-Agriculture-Industry will be much more favorable when the actual production figures of the Pilot Plant are obtained.

With an adequate and convenient supply of the three essential elements fuel, feed and fertilizer for optimum biomass productivity in South China, with wide applications for other countries within the tropical zone, and the use of science and technology to enhance three-dimensional yields a s well as protein quality, the scope of the IFS with complete recycling of all resources through already known processes of bioengineering is almost limitless.

As the saying goes, the Chinese will eat anything with legs except humans, tables and chairs, and do not care where the food comes from as long a s i t ‘ s well cooked and tastes good;. Chan G. UCN Canada. Zhonq C. Chan C. In the. USA, “Microbial Control of of Eutrophication Food ana!

Wanq C. Esta v e r s i o n ha s i d o enriquecida media :r’Cticas, comentcir’ios y a p o n e s ccmple’r. Contrariamente a otros usos corrientes, definimos aqui cultura como ‘la suma de elementos de 10s cuales un grupo social, en nuestro caso la poblaci6n urbana y suburbana pobre, dispone para responder a 10s desafios y condiciones cambiantes de la realidad’. Estos elementos pueden s e r tanto de c a r i c t e r material — herramientas, tip0 de vivienda, costumbres alimenticias e incluso pricticas de medicina popular — como asimismo de naturaleza inmaterial — conductas sociales, creencias y pricticas religiosas o attitudes politicas.

Son las condiciones materiales, sociales e historicas compartidas por un grupo poblacional las que determinan s u cultura. Dichas condiciones van validando o invalidando 10s elementos que conforman la cultura del grupo de acuerdo a su efectividad o la utilidad que tienen para ‘responder’ a 10s desafios de la realidad en la cual vive. Pero e s dificil describir la cultura de este g r u p o , incluso si se trata tan solo de ennumerar algunos elementos importantes de ella: la cultura de la poblaci6n urbana y suburbana pobre constituye una verdadera mezcla de culturas diferentes, resultado de la confluencia de representantes de grupos culturales diversos en el context0 de una realidad nueva, con-.

En este ensayo, nos limitamos a describir algunos elernentos de la cultura inmaterial q u e , segfin encontramos, tienen validez mAs general e intluyen especialmente en la conducta social y politica de la poblaci6n. Hacemos la salvedad que describir elcmentos culturales de un sector social a1 que no pertenecernos y cuyas vivencias diarias no compartinios conlleva el riesgo de e n t r a r en prhcticas paternalistas: por la selection de elementos para nosotros resaltantes e importantes, por una interpretaci6n de hechos a partir de nuestras propias categorias de pensamiento y por la intenci6n que tenemos a1 q u e r e r hacer la descripci6n propuesta.

Su cult u r a no se agota en carencias o negaciones de culturas de otros sectores. Por el contrario, tiene s u propio s t a t u s , uno cuyas dimensiones y caracteristicas deben s e r descubiertas desde adentro de la cultura y con la participaci6n de s u s propios protagonistas. Es en ese sentido que nos abstenernos d e hacer juicios d e valor sobre estos elementos: nos contentamos con indicar que aparenternente existen y con seftalar s u incidencia positiva o negativa sobre las posibilidades de supervivencia colectiva del grupo.

Algunos elementos de indole general Se puede constatar la presencia de diversos mecanisrnos de defensa, que se ponen de manifiesto tanto a nivel individual corno a nivel colectivo. EstAn, por ejernplo, el ‘fternbotavy’ hacerse el tonto ; la opci6n por una manera d e expresarse poco clara y afirrnativa a1 hablar; el no q u e r e enf r e n t a r en forma directa u n problema o a una persona que pone dificultades; la represi6n o autorepresibn de las manifestaciones de rabia o enojo; no q u e r e asumir cornpromisos; la predisposici6n a criticar y c a e r l e ‘ a1 que se cornprorneti6 a nivel colectivo; la terquedad con la cual se defiende una posici6n que expresa negaci6n o resistencia.

Estos mecanismos constituyen una verdadera estrategia de superviviencia dentro de u n arnbiente percibido como algo extrafto y desconocido, y de hecho determinado por otros. Permiten una evasion no-violenta de la realidad, a la vez que crean condiciones favorables para una minima tranquilidad y vigcncia dc lo ‘asegurado’, frente a 10s impactos y desafios d e un mundo externo y de una vida diaria dominada por factores y poderes q u e se ubican fuera del alcance de esta poblacion.

Dentro de este context0 cabe mencionar tambien la gran capacidad de improvisaci6n de la gente: cJn estrategias tradicionales de respuesta a 10s impactos del medio, la gente intenta — y muchas veces consigue -transformar elementos concretos que constituyen obsticulos de la vida diaria en elementos utiles para la superviviencia y defensa de s u s propios intereses. Una postura que se asume frecuentemente e s el inmediatismo: se vive el p r e s e n t e , no se toman muchas previsiones ni se planit’ica el futuro.

Esto implica que las dificultades, cuando finalmente son percibidas colectivumente como tales, casi siempre se han convertido ya en problemas agudos: para entonces, ya requieren una soluci6n urgente que debe s e r adoptada en medio de circunstancias que ejercen considerable presi6n y limitan 10s cursos de acci6n posibles. Como consecuencia, hay reacciones antes que acciones, junto con conductas puramente pricticas ante 10s hechos que se presentan. Contrariamente a 10 que algunos c r e e n , la falta de previsi6n no constituye un hecho cultural de por s i ; basta recordar que las culturas campesinas conocen la previsi6n y la consideraci6n del f u t u r o , por ejemplo, a t r a v e s d e la neeesidad de guardar semillas para la siembra del aiio e n t r a n t e.

Se puede suponer mAs bien que la poblacibn urbana pobre no e n c u e n t r a , e n t r e 10s elementos y las condiciones d e s u vida, aquellos que Ie permiten practical- la planificacion y la previsi6n. El bienestar y la tranquilidad individual y familiar constituyen valores fuertemente anhelados. Estos valores, conseguidos solo en casos aislados y en forma precaria, s e contraponen a la intranquilidad general y a las deficientes condiciones del ambiente de vida y de trabajo.

El bienestar individual o t’amiliar priman sobre el colectivo de la comunidad, del barrio o del g r u p o. Es decir, e n casos d e incompatibilidad, se t r a t a de luchar por el bienestar individual o familiar a6n si ell0 va en detriment0 del bienestar colectivo.

Otro element0 cultural muy fuerte e s la religiosidad. Estos elementos proyectados por la religion se mezclan alli con 10s conceptos y valores q u e la realidad d i a n a d e la vida y del trabajo torma en l a s personas: estan interrela-. Sin embargo, estos valores ya no constituyen un cuerpo compact0 y cerrado, sin0 mas bien u n conglomerado mis suelto de valores; algunos se retienen y se van ai’irmando, mientras que otros son reemplazados paulatinamente por valores dictados y vilidados por la practica diaria.

Los elementos religiosos vigentes pueden s e r desglosados en t r e s imbitos: el de las creencias, el de las p r i c t i c a s de la religiosidad popular y el de 10s valores proyectados por las iglesias institucionales. Las creencias forman parte del amplio cuerpo normative del saber popular. Estas creencias son, por un lado, consejos sobre como actuar en circunstancias concretas para el ‘teko pora’; por o t r o , son explicaciones de ’10 que pasa’ que perrniten a las personas mantener una vision coherente sobre el mundo externo y sobre las formas en que ese mundo externo interviene en s u s vidas.

Pero se t r a t a de un cuerpo inestable y cuestionado, a veces incluso negado frente a extranos o a s u rnido parcialmente, con cierta verguenza o a escondidas. El10 se debe al trato despectivo con el c u d la sociedad formal ha mirado y sigue mirando al saber popular, generalrnente resttindole importancia o denunciando su caracter supuestamente nocivo.

En las practicas de la religiosidad popular se juntan elementos de las creencias con elementos de 10s ritos de la Iglesia Catblica, estos ultimos interpretados por la p o b l a c i h a la luz de las creencias y la comprensi6n popular. A pesar de que existen difercncias profundas e n t r e 10s valores promovidos por las iglesias institucionales — la Catblica, les Evangeli’cas y las llamadas ‘sectas’ –, no hacernos distinci6n e n t r e ellas en 10 que respecta a tales valores; el peso d e la Iglesia Cat6lica e s rnuy superior a1 de las r e s t a n t e s , aun cuando algunos valores de las sectas encuentren fuerte respuesta a nivel popular.

Nos limitamos a sefialar valores que son prornovidos por una o varias de las iglesias institucionales a t r a v e s d e s u presencia e n 10s sectores populares.

Pero tambien se encuentra la i. Finalmente, cabe sefialar, eritre 10s elernentos culturales de indole general, la tremenda capacidad?

La vida y la lucha por la supervivencia e s enfrentada en muchos casos con confianza y fuerza. Se aprovechan todos 10s espacios disponibles para ‘estar bien’ y hasta para alegrarse. Queda, sin embargo, un interrogante:? Forrnas culturales como respuesta a problemas colectivos Frente a problemas concretos que se presentan a nivel grupal o barrial, generalmente s e espera que la iniciativa para resolverlos sea asurnida por otros. La colectividad tiende a descargar la responsabilidad sobre algfin individuo, y con ello, s u s integrantes tienden a asumir el rol de s e g u i d o r e s ‘.

Raras veces ocurre que una persona asuma un inter6s colectivo en base a una responsabilidad sentida a nivel personal, y es diffcil que se comprometa en una organizacibn. Se hace valer mas bien conceptos que justifican la reserva de la persona, y que demuestran la inconveniencia de arriesgarse como individuo responsable en nombre de un interes colectivo. Es comun escuchar expresiones tales como ‘no te metas’, ‘ocupate dc tu familial, ‘despues la gente va a hablar mal de vos’, ‘te van a criticar’, ‘la gente e s desagradecida, no sabe valorarl.

Un ‘fie enga’ dicho aplicable en este caso, ‘ofiekuava osevai’ ‘el que se ofrece, sale malt , forma parte de valores de conducta sugeridos y practicados dentro de estructuras autoritarias; constituye un mecanismo de defensa en situaciones que de entrada coartan las posibilidades de un accionar participativo.

El que se ofrece en esta situaci6n ‘sale m a l l y se le dela fracasar. El concept0 que s e contrapone a e s t e , propio de estructuras igualitarias cuya presencia aUn se retiene de alguna manera en la cultura popular, e s el do la persona ‘itekove’ ‘que actfia espontineamente donde hace falta’. En lugar de enfrentar 10s problemas por medio de la organizaci6n.

Esta actitud es frecuentemente citada -pero pocas veces analizada — en relacion a 10s factores que la motivan. Pensamos que algunos de esos factores son 10s siguientss:. A culpar de esta manera la propio mar1 g-inalizado de s u rnarginacibn, niiseria y pobreza, la sociedad, a. Los sectores populares, a pesar de s e r mayoritarios, no accedieron nunca ni a 10s instrumentos ni a1 espacio necesarios para enfrentar sus propios problemas.

Esta suerte de fatalism0 nace de la experiencia cotidiana de una vida pautada y deterrninada por las autoridades o , alternativamente, por un destino oscuro que se relaciona tarnbien con el concept0 de la predeterrninacibn en 10 religioso.

Existe cierta predisposici6n autosugestiva a creer que la autoridad personificada e s fundamentalmente buena e intcresada en promover el bien cornfin, 10 que motiva expectativas en este sentido.

Ademas, tambi6n hay determinantes nateriales que inciden negativarnente sobre las posibilidades de encarar 10s problemas colectivarnente, como por ejernplo, la situaci6n economica apremiante. El10 hace diflcil que la gente de estos sectores, dentro del sinfin de preocupaciones vitales cotidianas, dedique mucho tiempo o tenga un interes mis que pasajero en cuestiones relacionadas con la organizaci6n grupal o cornunitaria.

La misma inestabilidad de 10s ernpleos o trabajos, que puede implicar cambios repentinos e n el horario o en el lugar de trabajo, dificulta la participaci6n en tareas organizativas con la constancia que ella requerirfa. Asimismo, 10s sectores populares suelen equiparar 10s esfuerzos por organizarse con la subversion, sea como consecuencia de amenazas o del recuerdo de hechos represivos del pasado.

El10 contribuye a1 desarrollo de actitudes autorepresivas. Incluso, se puede constatar q u e , en algunos intentos de soluci6n colectiva de 10s problemas a traves de organizaciones que surgen esporadi-. Los demis esperan y se desentienden del asunto sin pretender mayor participaci6n en las decisiones y las tareas. Los mecanismos de toma de decision que se aplican son, por lo general, 10s que la sociedad formal considera corno democriticos: las decisiones son preparadas y adoptadas en reuniones, aplicandose el voto por rnayoria en caso de no haber consenso.

Sin embargo, al mismo tiempo sigue vigente otra pauta cultural s e e n la cual las decisiones son tomadas por consenso, pero en base a una discusion y preparation informal del tema con 10s familiares, vecinos y amigos en un proceso que se desarrolla y madura antes que tenga lugar el debate en asamblea.

En estas circunstancias, la aplicacion de mecanismos ‘occidentales’ no garantiza que las decisiones adoptadas sean realmente asumidas posteriormente por todos y cada uno de 10s participantes del proceso. En cuanto a estrategias para resolver problemas, no se reivindica tanto el cumplimiento de derechos ya establecidos y supuestamente respetados por las autoridades.

El recurso mbs cornfin, y tal vez el mAs expedito en el context0 de la sociedad actual, e s el de r e c u r r i r a ‘compadres’, funcionarios en posici6n influyente, lideres de partido, etc.

Si estos pueden intervenir y resolver problemas, 10 hacen corno favor y rnuestra de benevolencia personal, vale decir, en base a mecanismos de tipo clientelista antes que a partir de una realizaci6n efectiva de una norrna legal que e s , o que deberia s e r , valida para todos.

Valores morales Los valores morales tradicionales, junto con aquellos que son amparados oficial y legalmente, van siendo complernentados — y en p a r t e , reemplazados — por valores morales nuevos y alternatives. Estos, por un lado, son forjados y validados por la experiencia y la prbctica diaria, segun la pauta de ’10 que s i r v e , e s bueno’. Por el otro, se t r a t a de valores adoptados a partir de la observaci6n de la prictica de la sociedad global; valores q u e , a pesar de no s e r promovidos oficialmente, se encuentran en plena vigencia y no son reprimidos, o si son reprirnidos, 10 son a e manera simb6lica el ejempio mAs claro e s el de la corruption tolerada.

Estos nuevos valores cambian a medida que se va transformando el entorno social: no se encuentran formulados en ningun codigo normativo, pero constituyen un sisterna de normas reales dotado de alguna coherencia.

Entre 10s ejemplos de hechos y actuaciones amparados por 10s mencionados valores morales de la ‘ s u b l e g d i d a d ‘ , podemos citar:. Esto no o c u r r e solamente a nivel de 10s sectores populares, sin0 que constituye una prhctica generahzada.

A nivel de 10s p o b r e s , sin embargo, adquiere mayor importancia cuando el engaiio — evasion de controles, impuestos y fiscalizaciones, por ejemplo — e s cond i c i h necesaria para sobrevivir. En estos casos, la lucha por la supervivencia marca y dicta pautas de valoraci6n q u e no pueden mis q u e romper con codigos y consideraciones morales tradicionales.

Y dad0 q u e son valores percibidos como ‘vigentes de hecho’, tampoco son mayormente sometidos a presiones o correctivos, sean grupales o colectivos.

A nuestro p a r e c e r , estos nuevos valores no deben s e r vistos como antivalores o valores negativos, asociados a la delincuencia o a ‘las malas costumbres’.

Son valores q u e marcan conductas, pautas y attitudes de 10 q u e se podria llamar una sociedad paralela o sociedad informal, tal como s e habla de una economia informal , y que constituye un sistema normative perfectamente ‘normal’ e n esa ‘otra’ sociedad. Quer6moslo o n o , nos g u s t e o no nos g u s t e , 10s sectores urbanos pobres adoptan valores q u e , en s u ambiente, les permitirhn la supervivencia: si necesitan r o b a r , r o b a r i n , y para ellos, estarh bien. T h e meetings will d i s c u s s t h e pathways b y which environmental, economic, social, cultural a n d political c h a n g e impact on the health of t h e affected populations.

Health i s h e r e u n d e r stood both in t h e quantitative s e n s e of ‘number of y e a r s lived’ – with related universal indicators s u c h a s mortality r a t e s and life expectancy – and in t h e qualitative, highly c o n t e x t – d e p e n d e n t , s e n s e of wellbeing freedom from d i s e a s e , personal satisfaction, social participation, p r o d u c t i v i t y.

T h e aim of t h e meetings i s to develop operational tools and recommendations to optimize t h e health impact of development projects a n d to promote related awareness among health a n d development worke r s. The proceeding’s will b e published and available on r e q u e s t. Reade r s involved in development projects with clear positive o r negative consequences fur t h e health of t h e affected communities a r e kindly invited to write to t h e a d d r e s s below and include a description of t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e.

R e f e r e n c e s , c a s e – s t u d i e s , observations and justified o p e r a tional recommendations to increase t h e health pluses and decreased the health minuses 01′ Ji-‘vrilopil! The strangu7at’im o f small s s a l e i. Les 3rsr. This also implies increased efforts to achieve optimum utilization of o u r human and material resources; i x development of technology; X increase productivity; and x i the promotion of a new national orientation conducive to greater discipline, b e t t e r attitude to work and cleaner environment Federal Ministry of National Planning, l : 3 7.

But experience in Nigeria since the First National Development Plan , has shown that i t is difficult to achieve the expected goals because of lack of plan discipline, emergence of corruption in a large scale, lack of proper statistical data, lack of indigenous manpower in key positions etc.

Okigbo, Even today Nigeria cannot boast of being a self-reliant nation; she still imports elementary goods and services. The economy is depressed with hyper inflation, and high rates of unemployment, retrenchment and crime. So, s h e has so far not succeeded to b e a land of full opportunities for all citizens a s a result of poor economic planning and management of resources. Nigeria emphasizes the establishment of large scale industries e.

Investment on indigenous small scale industries i. The Third National Development Plan stated that the main objectives of the Government programmes for the establishment of small scale industries are the creation of employment opportunities, mobilization of local resources, mitigation of rural-urban migration, and distribution of industrial enterprises in different p a r t s of the country Federal Ministry of Economic.

Planning, Plans on how to develop small scale industries are contained in the Fourth National Development Plan.

The above sounds good and commendable but it says little o r nothing about how to encourage t h e development of existing indigenous small scale industries. This is a very serious omission because the indigenous socio-economic system which had enabled the development of complex kingdoms and states in Nigeria was rooted on small scale industries which flourished, for instance, in Awka, Benin, Nupe, Oyo and Zaria i n pre-colonial e r a , slave trade not-with-standing.

The third deals with the relevance of indigenous economic organisation to Nigeria while the final part draws conclusions and make recommendations. Indigenous small scale industries: past and present The development of indigenous centralized and non-centralized states in Africa especially i n West Africa and Nigeria has intrigued anthropologists, sociologists, historians and political economist S. They agreed that each indigenous state had an economic base which sustained it such a s long distant t r a d e , local crafts and technology, occupational guilds and associations.

Smith on Zaria; Alagoa on Ijo; Bohannan on Tiv; Onwuejeogwu on Nri-Igbo; and Bradbury on Benin establish beyond doubt that guilds and associations of small and medium scale industries formed the basic work and industrial group s t r u c t u r e of production, distribution and consumption in the states.

He described how through the market and non-market systems production, distribution and consumption were generated by small industrial groups o r guilds through-out the kingdom and hegemony which at its climax involved many Igbo settlements “living in an area of about 4, square miles east and west of the River Niger”. Leo Frobenius and Nadel described the flourishing metal-work in Bida at the beginning of this century as small scale industries with core groups of kinsmen engaged in economic production of various types.

The g r o u p s made iron implements used for planting grain which was an important food item that sustained the kingdom’s economy.

Bida people manufactured sophisticated bronze and b r a s s household materials, decorative trinkets and bangles. The glass and bead industries were rich and prosperous; manned by small group of persons related through kinship and non-kinship ties.

These few ethnography examples support the theories put forward h e r e , that small scale groups indigenous economic organisation formed the basis of effective production in traditional Nigerian economy.

Indeed, indigenous economic production was more effective in the context of small group a s epitomised in the Hausa Gandu system which was the most effective farming group that p r o d u c e d e groundnut and cotton pyramids which Hausland was famous for during their trading history especially between and The relegation of small scale industries in Nigerian economy began after the Nigerian Civil War when the oil boom blinded the planners from including small scale industries in their National Development Plan.

Chapt e r Eleven of the Third National Development Plan, for example, listed what is considered as small scale industries and defined it a s industries with less than ten persons with capital of up-to N60, This definition aside, the list did not include motor mechanics, metal workslblacksmiths who construct hoes, cutlasses, r a k e s , grinding and milling machines.

The Third National Development Plan says nothing about how to encourage the growth of these small scale industries. The study on Rural small scale industries in Bendel North and their role in rural development has revealed a boom in small scale industries such a s bakeries.

The existence of med” ium sized urban c e n t r e s which retail different raw materials has enabled the research area to benefit greatly in terms of raw material production, distribution and generation of employment Segynola, ; X-xii.

The study of separate groups of bloc moulders in Benin City revealed that performance was superior under conditions of goal setting and supervision than “in no goal situations with supervision”. To the Nigerian manager, the result of the s t u d y implies that goal setting and supervision act jointly to motivate and maximise the performance of the workers Ebegbe, Mbagwu classified indigenous small scale industries into two categories, namely i those concerned with processing of raw materials into intermediate o r finished.

He highlighted the intellectual and the policy neglect of indigenous small scale industries and their significant roles but lacked statistical data to support his argument. The experience of Western Germany shows that small scale industries play important roles in the economy.

For example, the recent statistics number 1. The small scale industries provide 2 out of every 3 jobs, 4 out of every 5 apprenticeships and half of the gross national products GNP. Entrepreneurs of these industries a r e creative and take risks in times of crises. In the early s, unfavourable economic conditions forced some large scale industries to close down, retrench workers or render them redundant, whereas small scale industries expanded, and are still expanding.

Between the first q u a r t e r of and the first q u a r t e r of , they created , new jobs in Western Germany Scala, The Japanese experience i s another ethnographic case of how the Japanese government encouraged small scale industries in agricultural and in many industrial sectors. The Japanese successes in rapid and effective industrialisation is strongly correlated with the adaptation of indigenous small scale industries into contemporary manufacturing companies, on the one hand, and the incorporation of ideas of the g, the family system, in organising t h e large industries, on the other.

These make the workers have a feeling of family solidarity by introducing welf a r e , and promotional systems that motivate workers into putting their best i n their companies Beardley, Hall and Ward, Contemporary large scale industries in Nigeria The strangulation of small scale industries in colonial and post-colonial e r a made room for the take-over of the economy by the transnational and government-owned industries. Some studies of the large scale industries done at state levels show that they a r e inefficient and wasteful e.

Anao, Between and , about state-owned limited liability companies were registered in Bendel State to pursue activities in industrial and commercial sectors.

They include cement, glass and textile industries; brewery industry; insurance, banking, clearing houses and consultancy; woodwork; laundry; supermarkets and gambling industry. These economic activities were traditionally reserved for the private entrepren e u r s.

By the end of the decade, the state-owned industries started to collapse and were consequently criticized by the public for poor perforrnance. In his effort to find out the causal f a c t o r s , Anao conducted an indepth study of the Bendel Construction Company Limited. He discovered that the company failed because of lack of clear and rational objectives for investments coupled with the appointment of successive boards of directors who were ill-equipped and unsuitable for the needs of the company Anao, He also criticized the structural organisation of the company a s faulty though he did not state the nature of the human relationship which is pursued for effective management and production.

These two values operated simultaneously and effectively in most of the activities in the firm, e. What Max Weber regards as detrimental to the efficiency of bureaucratic organisation in the West is what the managers and subordinates of Hardel and Enic Nig.

Ltd appreciate most in the firm Eke, In Hardel and Enic Nig. Ltd, traditional cultural values of workers were integrated into the cultural values of Western bureaucracy. These have the positive effect of ameliorating the rigidity of Western bureaucracy, and making work more meaningful and acceptable for the workers. Consequently, they a r e able to perceive the firm as their personal property that should be protected at all costs. This i s similar to the situation in Japanese firms a s described b y Linhart The relevance of indigenous economic organisations to Nigeria Small scale industries establish face-to-face relationship between the boss and the subordinates similar to kinship relationship obtained in indigenous economic organisations which a r e organised in small groups of k i n s , relations and friends.

This type of network enhances high motivation to work among workers. Workers have a feeling of belonging at workplaces, and accept slogans such a s i The work i s “our work” and not “Oyibo work”, and ii S. The positive attitude towards work found in indigenous industries i s diametrically opposed to the negative type found mostly in big companies for various reasons such a s : impersonal relationship established in the name of bureaucracy and lack of cultural relations which a r e found in small scale industries.

The effectiveness and adaptability of small scale industries to the changing fate of world economy is remarkable. During the present economic depression that started around 1 9 8 0 , the Nigerian government introduced stringent economic measures to fight against the devaluation. The first industries to collapse were the large scale industries specialises in importation of raw materials and manufactured goods. The collapse of these large scale industries saw the boom of the small scale industries.

The manpower retrenched in various large scale i n d u s t r i e s , some unemployed school leavers and university graduates were absorbed into the existing small scale industries. New small scale industries were established especially in the areas of food and metal industries. They began to make use of the local manpower and raw material resources which the large scale industries ignored d u r i n g the boom years.

While the Volkswagen Nigeria Ltd and the Peugeot Automobile Nigeria Ltd were contracting, the small motor-part makers and mechanics were expanding and even absorbing workers retrenched from the big companies. This is the state of the present phase of the economy. It is at this stage that the Nigerian government came out with i t s small scale industry project which i s one of the four projects currently organised by the National Directorate of Employment in order to combat unemployment The main objective of the small scale industry project i s to encourage unemployment graduates and young entrepreneurs to establish small businesses, become self-employed, and provide employment for other workers Babangida, l; The Guardian 1 0.

W appreciate the fact that comprehene sive feasibility report of any business project can be very expensive. Given the financial predicament of the unemployed graduate, how can he afford such bills?

These are some of the problems which should be addressed, especially by the planners, in order to achieve fruitful results. Furthermore, it is observed that loans are given to qualified unemployed individuals who have little or no experience of business management to s t a r t new businesses These loans should be given, instead, to existing established entrepreneurs of indigenous small scale. It seems that in i t s present form the project i s organised on a n individual basis for those who can satisfy the requirements for selection, and not necessarily on developing and expanding the existing indigenous small scale industries.

So, it is planned with the socio-cultural realities of Nigeria not taken into proper consideration. The project is saddled with western individualism and bureaucratic exigencies which are foreign to success and inimical to growth of indigenous small scale industries in Nigeria. Conclusion It has been shown in this paper that indigenous economic organisations which a r e small scale are invaluable to the socio-economic and technological developments in Nigeria, and a s such should be encouraged to grow and prosper.

In view of this, the following recommendations a r e made: 1 the Government should study the s t r u c t u r e and functions of indigenous traditional organisations and find ways of integrating them into the development plans, and ii the present method devised by the National Directorate of Employment to establish small scale industries i s inadequate from a cultural and sociological point of view and may not sustain the test of time a n d , a s such, should be restructured to reflect the needs of existing indigenous small scale industries.

L’auteur fd? The Gaia Atlas and the Worldwatch Institute’s State of the World are circulating in more than a dozen languages, the Annual report of the World Resources Institute stands in easy reach of enlightened UN officials, and environmentalists across the world hail the report of the BrundtlandCommission as high-level testimony to their claims.

The evidence i s indeed undebatable. Also the appeal for urgent responsible action has been long overdue and cannot but command consent. Conversion i s indeed indispensable. Yet my admiration for the reports i s increasingly stained with mistrust in their effects.

The proposed policies of resource management, I am afraid, ignore the option of intelligent self-limitation and reduce ecology to a higher form of efficiency. Such a reductionism, I claim, implicitly affirms the universal validity of the economic world-view and will eventually spread further the Westernization of minds and habits, a cultural fall-out that in the long r u n also endangers the overall goal of sustainability.

More out of less Each of the 80 odd Worldwatch papers, for example, paints a picture of the global state of affairs which looks roughly a s follows: On the one hand we see how more and more people with increasing- needs for food, shelter, health care or e n e r g y , a r e demanding to be recognized, as the population grows and some inequality is levelled.

On the other hand we are shown how economies squander their potential to meet these demands as they deplete resources, ruin the environment and drive up costs. The available means are diminishing, while needs become more pressing: what looms large in the picture i s a global sustainability squeeze. Fossil fuels, for instance, use up in one year what took a million years to produce, overburden the atmosphere with carbon dioxide, and prove to be more costly than investing in saving energy. The misuse ot water supplies deprives humans, animals and plants of a basic means of survival, pollutes the earth’s reserves for a long time to come, and new water works c a r r y a multi-billion dollar price tag.

Examples abound. Fortunately enough, t h e Worldwatch people s a y , the pict u r e i s not completely gloomy, but shows a streak of light in the distance.

Shifting to less harmful means and concentrating on efficiency. Renewable fuels and fine tuning through conservation and careful management are typical r e sponses which point to the desired t a r g e t : resource efficiency. Indeed, if one were to suggest a motto to be engraved above the entrance of the Worldwatch Institute, the obvious choice would be “More Out Of Less”. I will not doubt the necessity of this approach nor will I quarrel with the soundness of the alternative solutions suggested.

But i would like to draw attention to a hidden reductionism which t u r n s ecological politics from a call for new public virtues into a set of managerial s t r a tegies. As with a pair of pliers where p r e s s u r e is relieved by yielding the grip of both p a r t s , there are two possibilities to move out of the dangerous squeeze between growing demand and insufficient means: to consider an enlightened restraint of demand on the one hand and to deal diligently with the available means on the other.

The world watchmen, however, highlight only the second alternative and allow the first alternative to sink into oblivion. In their r e p o r t s , they alert to the efficiency of means, elevating the rules of micro-economics to imperatives for national and even global policy. Certainly, by doing so they spearhead the transition from an output-centered to an input-centered economy where not all resources are lavished on boosting the G N P but utilized with utmost efficiency in o r d e r to obtain growth without slag and d r o s s.

Optimizing, not maximizing, i s the order of the day, and both engineers and economists take renewed pleasure in their trade puzzling out the minimum input for each unit of output. Yet, disregard for t h e first alternative – to consider an enlightened restraint of supply-oriented demands – t r a p s the world watchmen into the economic world-view. In such a perspective, each society p u t s production highest on i t s list of values and seeks the good life through expanding and accelerating the economic apparatus.

As the reports rarely question the predominant position of the economy in society, they implicitly take for granted that the world’s cultures converge in the steady desire for more material production. This prejudice b a r s the way to examining closer – even for the overindustrialized countries of the North!

Failing to do t h a t , the reports seem to consider less cornmodity-intensive, less professionalized, less speedy societies inherently deficient. Since they are unable to imagme diverse cultures that intentionally live on intermediate levels of material demand, they cannot but make the economic outlook appear a s the natural mode of human living. Consequently, the view on the globe they propose continues in the tradition of “development” to assume that all circumstances have first to be judged according to the imperative of production, be i t even environmentally rational production.

Cow dung for example, kindled b y the Senegalese peasant to heat water in the cooking p o t , suddenly becomes an energy resource; the scrap metal used b y a Peruvian squatter to build an annex to his hut takes on the dignity of a recoverable i n p u t ; Kenyan women cultivating village fields a r e discovered to be human resources for boosting food production. What Max Weber regards as detrimental to the efficiency of bureaucratic organisation in the West is what the managers and subordinates of Hardel and Enic Nig.

This i s similar to the situation in Japanese firms a s described b y Linhart The relevance of indigenous economic organisations to Nigeria Small scale industries establish face-to-face relationship between the boss and the subordinates similar to kinship relationship obtained in indigenous economic organisations which a r e organised in small groups of k i n s , relations and friends.

The positive attitude towards work found in indigenous industries i s diametrically opposed to the negative type found mostly in big companies for various reasons such a s : impersonal relationship established in the name of bureaucracy and lack of cultural relations which a r e found in small scale industries.

The first industries to collapse were the large scale industries specialises in importation of raw materials and manufactured goods. The collapse of these large scale industries saw the boom of the small scale industries. The manpower retrenched in various large scale i n d u s t r i e s , some unemployed school leavers and university graduates were absorbed into the existing small scale industries. New small scale industries were established especially in the areas of food and metal industries.

They began to make use of the local manpower and raw material resources which the large scale industries ignored d u r i n g the boom years. Spare p a r t s were re-conditioned and new ones made with interior metal t h e so-called Taiwan make in Anambra and Imo states especially Onitsha-Nnewi-Owerri-Aba axis. The big Aladja and Ajaokuta iron and steel industries were unable to cope with the new situation.

It is at this stage that the Nigerian government came out with i t s small scale industry project which i s one of the four projects currently organised by the National Directorate of Employment in order to combat unemployment The main objective of the small scale industry project i s to encourage unemployment graduates and young entrepreneurs to establish small businesses, become self-employed, and provide employment for other workers Babangida, l; The Guardian 1 0.

W appreciate the fact that comprehene sive feasibility report of any business project can be very expensive. Given the financial predicament of the unemployed graduate, how can he afford such bills?

Assuming that he finally presents a feasibility report of the proposed project, how authentic and genuine is i t , putting into consideration the high wave of corrupt and fraudulent practices which are prevalent in Nigeria? These are some of the problems which should be addressed, especially by the planners, in order to achieve fruitful results.

It seems that in i t s present form the project i s organised on a n individual basis for those who can satisfy the requirements for selection, and not necessarily on developing and expanding the existing indigenous small scale industries.

It i s t r u e , the curtain of silence is finally pulled away from the global survival crisis and a series of data and tables reveal the vast panorama of today’s threats and perils. The evidence i s indeed undebatable. Also the appeal for urgent responsible action has been long overdue and cannot but command consent. Conversion i s indeed indispensable. Yet my admiration for the reports i s increasingly stained with mistrust in their effects.

Fossil fuels, for instance, use up in one year what took a million years to produce, overburden the atmosphere with carbon dioxide, and prove to be more costly than investing in saving energy.

The misuse ot water supplies deprives humans, animals and plants of a basic means of survival, pollutes the earth’s reserves for a long time to come, and new water works c a r r y a multi-billion dollar price tag. Examples abound. Fortunately enough, t h e Worldwatch people s a y , the pict u r e i s not completely gloomy, but shows a streak of light in the distance. Shifting to less harmful means and concentrating on efficiency. Renewable fuels and fine tuning through conservation and careful management are typical r e sponses which point to the desired t a r g e t : resource efficiency.

Indeed, if one were to suggest a motto to be engraved above the entrance of the Worldwatch Institute, the obvious choice would be “More Out Of Less”. I will not doubt the necessity of this approach nor will I quarrel with the soundness of the alternative solutions suggested.

Since they are unable to imagme diverse cultures that intentionally live on intermediate levels of material demand, they cannot but make the economic outlook appear a s the natural mode of human living. Consequently, the view on the globe they propose continues in the tradition of “development” to assume that all circumstances have first to be judged according to the imperative of production, be i t even environmentally rational production.

Ecological politics, however, which take the steady growth in demand for g r a n t e d , and limit themselves to propagating efficient means, fall into the t r a p to p u s h , in the name of ecology, for the f u r t h e r rationalization of the world. Resources everywhere The myopia of conventional economists has become proverbial. While staring at the role of capital and labour, they ignore many other sources of wealth and well-being: from the unpaid labour of women backing up the world of production, to the silent workings of nature replenishing water, nutrients and energy.

Eco-developers set out to overcome this tunnel vision; they prospect the broad range of lifesupporting factors to assure the sustainability of yields over the long term.

Through their glasses, numerous things and actions which so far had been taken for granted as part of ordinary life acquire a new, dramatic significance: they change into valuable resources. Cow dung for example, kindled b y the Senegalese peasant to heat water in the cooking p o t , suddenly becomes an energy resource; the scrap metal used b y a Peruvian squatter to build an annex to his hut takes on the dignity of a recoverable i n p u t ; Kenyan women cultivating village fields a r e discovered to be human resources for boosting food production.

Und e r Worldwatch e y e s , more and more p a r t s of the world assume a new s t a t u s , they are disembedded from their local context and redefined as resources. In what new light, however, do actions, things and people appear when they are redefined a s “resources”? Obviously they acquire importance because they a r e considered useful for some higher purpose. They count not because of what they are but because of what they can become.

They a r e stripped of their own worth in the present in o r d e r to be stripmined for somebody else’s use in the future. A resource i s something that has no value until it has been made into something else.

Whatever i t s intrinsic value, it fades away under the claim of superior interests. For more than years tlie term “resource” has been used to survey the world for useful inputs into industry. Consequently, perception has been trained to look at forests and see lumber, at rocks and see o r e , at landscapes and see real estate, at people and see human resources. To call something a “resource” means to place it under the authority of production. The old-fashioned synonym for “resources” reveals clearly how language can impart destiny: what can you do with “raw materials” except finish them in a manufacturing process?

But not just any productive use can make something a resource. While the peasant in Gujarat may use cow d u n g to fertilize his plot, i t becomes a resource only in t h e framework of national production. It i s in national o r global accounting books that resources are specified, measured and assessed according to their relative productivity; it i s the capacity to boost GNP that constitutes a resource.

Calling something a resource endows it with the availability to be exploited for the national interest. In a non-economic perspective, things often have a meaning which makes them resistant to unlimited availability. For instance, in a Hindu village there is always a holy tree or a sacred grove which is untouchable. Gods a r e said to reside in their shadow; to cut them as timber would deprive the village of mighty protection.

Consider another example: From Bolivia to ancient Germany, mines were regarded as wombs of Mother Earth where metals grow in slow gestation. Entering this underground world with i t s mysteries meant crossing a treshold into a domain. Responsibility and care were required, and rituals were performed in order to ask for Mother’s generosity. Cooperation of nature also had to be obtained by the NorthAmerican Cree when they went hunting deer.

For them, animals were not game out there to be killed, but had to be convinced, in a dialogue of rites and offerings, to present themselves to the h u n t e r s. Indeed, hunting was an exchange between animals and man that was governed by friendship, coercion o r love, like an ordinary human relationship. In sum, understanding t r e e s , rocks or animals as animated beings in a wider cosmos where each element possesses i t s separate but related identity, entailed intrinsic limits on exploitation.

Labelling things as “resources” takes off whatever protective identity they may have and opens them for intervention from the outside. Looking at water, soils, animals, people in terms of resources reconstitutes them as objects for management by planners and for prizing by economists. Even if they are renamed “resources” in o r d e r to maximize their efficient u s e , because of the cultural fall-out from the all-embracing economic cloud, i t will, in the f u t u r e , be much more difficult to have any intrinsic respect for them.

Probably not. Nomads might have fled d r o u g h t s , Florentine citizens may have hidden from the plague, soldiers in Verdun might have mobilized their last r e s e r v e s , b u t when has e v e r been proposed that society’s s t r u c t u r e should be geared towards securing s u r vival? Of course, previous cultures never deliberately neglected the requirements of survival, but neither did they pay them much attention.

It was not an explicit concern, but a given banality. Yet, precisely in the historical epoch where riches have been amassed a s never before, eco-developers from all four winds raise their voice and call upon people and governments to put survival f i r s t. A glance into the various Worldwatch papers and yearbooks recalls the most recent p a r t of the story how plenty vanished and scarcity assumed command. A short time ago it could be taken for granted that the great cycle of evaporation, condensation and precipitation fully replenished o u r sources of water, but overpumping for irrigation, which makes the water level d r o p , and pollution from i n d u s t r y , which r e n d e r s i t unsafe, have today turned fresh water into a scarce good.

Since time immeniorial, legions of insects and worms have renewed the topsoil, but pcsticicles and overuse of marginal land now accelerate the rate of erosion. And so it goes for global rainfall f o r e s t s , s u n radiation ozone hole. Plenty turned into scarcity as industrial and agricultural production were intensified and generalized around the globe.

The threat to survival i s the result – one i s embarrassed to state the obvious – of the increasing identification of the good life with the availability of material products. Scarcity, therefore, is one side of a coin whose reverse side is called open-ended production. An emerging tribe of eco-experts, however, defines i t s field of expertise by focusing the spotlight on the first side of the coin leaving the second in the shadow.

While the supposition in the statement holds t r u e for all cultures, i t s conclusion highlights the hidden axiom of the economic worldview: there will be no boundaries to material progression. It is only when this axiom reigns that water, air and soil become and remain scarce. Taking the scarcity of natural riches for granted, however, is the base for the ecodeveloper’s intervention: i t becomes his task to monitor and manage what has now turned into a scarce resource.

And it will require all his professional skill to steer a course along that optimal level of exploitation which does not jeopardize t h e sustainability of f u t u r e growth. To rally around “survival” happens only in a society which i s driven by the imperative of continuously testing the limits of nature.

Any other couldn’t care less. By putting on the glasses of micro-economics, i. Since the time of Jevron and Walras, means a r e for the economist principally insufficient; their scarcity appears a s part of the natural o r d e r of things and no longer as caused by some particular, transient constellation where ends happen to outstrip means. Instead, the presumptuous expectation of 19th century Europe that wants, along the supposedly linear course of history, will continuously expand rendering means notoriously insufficient, has entered the nature of things as an implicit axiom, whenever economists seek to make the best out of so-called scarce means.

They will never tell you what ends you will finally achieve “managing wisely” your means; for them ends a r e faceless, they have only one, just formal character: they a r e infinite. For the economic world-view, needs will always become claims on material production. Well-being, in this perspective, is recast a s wellhaving. Society’s welfare, therefore, depends in the first place on material output.

Setting out to manage “global resources”, world watchmen imply the world-wide victory of this specifically modern outlook as a f a i t accornpli. What separates them from the conventional economist, i s their straightforward recognition of environmental limits to production; what ties them nevertheless to the economic worldview, is the failure to appreciate cultural limits to the predominance of production, cultural limits that render production less important and consequently relieve also environmental pressure.

For them as well a s for the conventional. The many different ways to the good life a r e implicitly reduced to the one single racetrack towards a higher standard of living. If societies always expended all their energies on pushing production, there would never have been the strikingly coloured fabrics in Senegal, nor the extravagant Moghul gardens in India, nor any gothic cathedral in France.

As diverse a s these societies have been, they h a d , nevertheless, one thing in common: they aspired to something other than producing and spent their s u r p l u s on whatever g r a n d design.

The West has decided to spend i t on multiplying o u t p u t ; eco-developers tacitly accept that formula for the entire globe. Always rational Throughout the Worldwatch p a p e r s , one frequently meets persons of a particular virtue.

When i t comes to collecting glass-bottles in separate containers, to replacing open fires with stoves, to introducing minimum tillage in place of soil-breaking plowing, o r to installing d r i p irrigation instead of canals, all these suggestions, as reasonable a s they may b e , propagate the gospel of efficiency.

Amory Lovins provided a striking illustration of the eco-developer’s mood when he presented his audience with two light bulbs. Both lights were equally b r i g h t , although the conventional model uses 75 and the new one only 18 watts. He explained: “We should get used to seeing the purchase of an electricity-saving device like constructing a tiny power plant in the home.

The new bulb, in f a c t , is producing 57 negawatts, i. And the saved electricity can be sold to another client, making new power plants superfluous”. Indeed, this could nicely e x p r e s s the efficiency ethos in a nutshell: “Produce negawatts! And this tends to blur the shift from the housekeeping to the efficiency ethos. Good housekeeping i s the traditional ideal of subsistence-oriented households. What i s t h e r e is not collected, preserved and reused: Food i s s t o r e d , tools are carefully maintained, furniture is handed down from generation to generation.

Necessary possessions are fully u s e d , while outside p u r chases a r e kept to a minimum. Each coin i s turned over twice before it i s s p e n t , each transaction is carried out prudently, sometimes even with misgivings. However, the point of good house-keeping is not economizing for the sake of investment, but saving for the sake of independence. Choice of an efficient means has nothing to do with keeping expenses down, but aims at obtaining a higher r e t u r n in o r d e r to liberate funds for f u r t h e r investments.

Saving, in contrast, intends to keep market involvement at a low level in o r d e r to shield t h e domestic economy against p r e s s u r e from the larger economy. Efficiency looks for opportunities, saving looks for security. Wlule the former implies infinite progression, the latter derives from a sense of enoughness. Both attitudes can easily conflict a s soon as a gain in efficiency would require money; the Indian peasant may, therefore, prefer to b u r n piles of cow d u n g , which involves no money expense, r a t h e r than buy a biodigest e r , though it uses less cow d u n g to obtain the same amount of heat.

Our peasant, however, might not be happy with the waterproof roof the “development” agency provided, and replace it with the t r a ditional roof of leaves and branches which requires major repairs each year.

After all, this roof repair is the occasion of the village’s weeklong festival! He is ready to be effective but not efficient. Since people are not fools, they will always intend to be effective and act so as to achieve a certain result. Yet efficiency can be way off, because the activity i s embedded in a web of other concerns.

They may for instance use long hours every day to carry out customary visits to family members o r spend most of their money on elaborate festivities. The call to efficiency disrupts the other priorities which deflect o r retard the technically one best way. Actions are often over-determined and serve a host of purposes; to t u r n mere effectiveness into efficiency means to delete the other concerns and to privilege the naked means-end relationship.

Once that privilege is erected, means count only as means; any consideration of context, quality, style or esthetics tends to become irrelevant. The model of rational choice, in fact, i s based on the assumption that means have been purified of any context, since they are considered to b e interchangeable according to the highest r e t u r n and calculable according to a single yardstick, generally either money o r energy.

Efficiency behaviour spreads at t h e expense of culture-guided behaviour; it undermines non-economic notions of the good and proper life. Certainly, interpreting the state of the world chiefly in terms of “resources”, “management” and “efficiency” may appeal to planners and economists.

But it continues to promote development a s a cultural mission and to shape the world in the image of the West. The reports do more than simply propose new strategies; they also tell people how to see nature, society and their own actions. The more their language i s adopted around the globe, the more difficult will it be to see nature in terms of respect and not a s a resource, society i n terms of the common good and not of production, and action in terms of virtue and not of efficiency.

To put it in a nutshell: they promote the sustainability of nature and erode the sustainability of cultures. And t h i s , for s u r e , will not benefit nature either. Biolecnologia, E f n i n Gorul O l a r f : Modecni.

Eccinomia canwuna d Peni. La luchade 10s La campeiinos paraquavos. Apdo Tlie theme of t h i s symposium i s a v e r y appropriate one: “Women’s voice in t h e NorthISouth Dialogue: S t r a t e g i e s for Interdependence and Solidar i t y “. But t h e mere concept of interdependence i s often connotated a s if t h e South had been and were more dependent on t h e North t h a n t h e o t h e r way r o u n d.

In my view, the North i s vitally dependent on the South in t h e situation a s i t i s now. The North h a s been exploiting and utilizing t h e South e v e r since t h e colonial e r a b e g a n , and h a s t h u s built i t s development into such a form that it relies heavily on t h e continuous flow of resources from South to North.

Now t h e North i s becoming o r making itself additionally depend e n t also on t h e T h i r d World markets and demand. Northern a n d S o u t h e r n , t h e outcome might b e s u r p r i s i n g : a f t e r a s h o r t period in a kind of s h o c k , t h e South would finally become really self-reliant and develop i t s life a n d institutions rapidly and independently.

There a r e a lot more indications of i t s malignancy. As to solidarity, I will come later on to sisterhood, a s I would r a t h e r call it among women. The industrial society through the eyes of women Through t h e y e a r s , development talks have been conducted a s if t h e development problems existed only in the South. I often call t h i s approach in t h e North ‘looking at the world through a telescope’. Women from t h e South have asked with good reason whether there a r e any problems in the North at all.

Development i s taking place everywhere, for good o r t r y i s standing still. In that process, we can also may be of great value in human terms. I would like aspects of industrial development a s they look from spective: for bad: no counlose things which to point out some t h e women’s p e r -.

The work-load of women has constantly increased, despite t h e multitude of public services and the mechanization of housework. In earlier d a y s , women worked only one – albeit long – s h i f t ; now, most of them do a double o r even triple shift.

As a p a r t of t h i s development, large, centralized s t r u c t u r e s have emerged in societies. The economic, military, political and administrative s t r u c t u r e s have become more and more hierarchical, all of them wielding a great deal of power. At the head of all these s y s tems a r e men, i. Women have lost most of their real power to influence by means of their own work and capabilities. Non-material human needs mutual r e s p e c t , dignity, meaningful work and life, t e n d e r n e s s , caring, n u r t u r e , human relations have been ignored in the economic p r o g r e s s , and t h u s satisfaction of these needs has been left to women, in addition to all their o t h e r duties.

The a d v e r s e implications of t h i s development, many of which remain unseen due to a lack of awaren e s s among women a n d to t h e i r self-imposed adjustment to male terms in society, have been p a r t l y excused b y t h e favourable effects of t h a t same process.

T h e questions to b e asked a r e , whether i t would b e possible to achieve t h e favourable r e s u l t s without paying s u c h a high p r i c e , o r whether t h e negative implications a r e so marked that t h i s kind of development should b e rejected altogether. At least t h e p r o s a n d cons of t h e outcome should have been carefully weighed.

And whatever t h e fair p r i c e , how could i t b e equitably s h a r e d between men and women, instead of being loaded principally onto women? This historical p r o c e s s was also discussed in t h e r e p o r t of t h e Asian a n d Pacific C e n t r e of Women and Development workshop, The women’s movement i n the V e s t passed through a period o f i n t e n s i v e , dramatic s o c i a l and economic change t h a t removed prod u c t i o n from t h e home, c o n t r i b u f i n q t o aeva’Luation o f uomen’s household production and household maintenance, t h e i r e x c l u s i o n from s o c i a l and economic power and resources, and t h e n o t i o n t h a t men work and women have b a b i e s.

T h e world economic c r i s i s h i t s women in North a n d South In recent y e a r s , t h e r e h a s indeed been a lot of evidence t h a t so-called development i s not necessarily “a girl’s b e s t friend”. T h i s i s t h e first occasion when t h e ON h a s really looked at development from t h e human point of view and not only from the economic point of view.

The recent example of the commonality of the consequences for women is the so-called world economic c r i s i s , or the debt problem. In the South, it has led to forceful p r e s s u r e on the governments to adjust their economies to the terms dictated by the International Monetary Fund. In the North, it has led to so-called manageable structural change – the term used by the Finnish Government – which is in fact adjustment of the economies of the industrialized countries to the merciless terms of the international economy, and is hardly manageable at all by the national governments.

The consequences in the Third World are grave: the b u r d e n on women is increasing, instead of decreasing, infant mortality i s rising again, more and more babies are born underweight, and women are working h a r d e r than e v e r in order to keep life going at all. All s t r u c t u r a l adjustment policies are gender biased, since they ignore the unpaid labour of women. This work, however, keeps society going. The t r u t h is that unpaid labour in villages and families is the final lifeline for people all over the world when macro-economic measures do not work o r may even collapse.

At p r e s e n t , self-initiated activities are experiencing a remarkable revival and developing into a new wave of economic activity in many of the least affluent countries, when adjustment policies have failed. Most of this activity is initiated and developed by women.

In industrialized countries, the economic s t r u c t u r e s have grown rapidly in size and power in recent years. This implies t h a t they a r e less and less u n d e r the control of anybody, either the government o r the people. People a r e manipulated into adjusting to the role of conspicuous consumers, who do not control even their personal n e e d s , let alone their lives o r their society. The children and youth a r e the victims of arrogant marketing and manipulation b y advertizing and entertainment industries, which reduces them to powerless puppets of competition and consumption.

Invisible economy In fact, the biggest common denominator for all the women in the world i s the invisibility of their unpaid labour in the national and international statistics – and in the minds of male calculators, planners and policy-makers. Still, the policy planning implies that t h e r e are certain invisible hands to take care of the very basic personal needs – both material and non-material – of people, including men.

The economists have a term for t h a t , reproduction of l a b o u r! The special characteristic of this labour i s that it actually becomes visible when i t i s not done. This was the way Icelandic women demons t r a t e d their contribution to society on U N Day, 24th October , when they went on a total s t r i k e , doing neither paid o r unpaid work that day. The men had to make their breakfasts by themselves that morning, change the babies’ nappies, and take the children with them to their offices and factories o r stay a t home with them.

It would quickly be seen in a n y family of the ‘invisible h a n d s ‘ stopped working o r if t h e ‘invisible p l a n n e r and administrator’ went on s t r i k e.

T h e life of t h e family would v e r y soon become unbearable a n d t h e home uninhabitable ‘. A -new economics needed One can s a y that t h e world economic situation today demonstrates t h e b a n k r u p t c y of t h e Western economic philosophy. The magnitude of t h e d e b t problem i s t h e s t r o n g e s t indication that something h a s failed profoundly in world development.

The more t h e Finnish ent e r p r i s e s e x p a n d and become transnational, t h e less power the Finnish people have t o control t h e i r own economy and terms of life. It i s not only t h e sovereignty of t h e T h i r d World countries which i s being hijacked: t h e sovereignty of e v e r y c o u n t r y i s affected. W a r e all victims of the same inhuman international economic o r d e r. But a r e t h e r e alternatives? Any o t h e r philosophy to explain and clarify t h e economics of human e n d e a v o u r s?

I am not a n economist – t h e r e f o r e I can pose questions which economists d o not usually a s k. A v e r y basic question in my mind i s , whether it i s a value a s s u c h to b e able to control one’s own life? To what e x t e n t could i t be possible a n d on what terms? This question can b e asked also about a nation. It i s a question of what self-reliance, independence, sovereignty and self-determination actually mean.

Are t h e s e still t h e kind of cherished values that t h e y have been in p a s t human h i s t o r y , o r a r e we r e a d y a n d willing to give them u p a s t h e cost of material affluency, i n addition to o t h e r prices already paid, s u c h a s deterioration of non-material, cultural a n d spiritual p r o p e r t i e s of o u r lives?

What would b e a n adequate price – if any – to pay for a materially decent life, without giving up more of the basic values? How can we protect ourselves – a s individuals and a s nations – against being robbed of o u r dignity a n d self-determination just for the s a k e of conspicuous consumption a n d t h e power-greediness of t h e economic man? Is dependency automatically the necessary price for affluence? The full picture of economy. In this figure. Hazel Henderson has illustrated what i s the actual foundation on which all nionetarized economy is built.

For u s women, this could be a revelation in itselt. It gives due credit to the various components of the material bases of o u r lives – also the non-monetary ones. Only t h e proportions of the cake are debatable. F i r s t , the proportion of Mother Nature cannot b e measured. W can only say that it e is much bigger than what i s seen in the picture.

The second layer, consisting of all kinds of unpaid labour and production, i s different in different societies today, depending on their stage of monetarization. The top two layers also vary greatly in size, depending on the socalled level of development. In rich industrialized countries, the top layers are relatively bigger than in Third World countries.

The essential fact i s that the top layers rest on the lower layers: they could not exist without the base, comprising Mother Nature and the unpaid work of her daughters in delivering, nurturing and providing the basic care for young and old, male and female human beings.

I have proposed that we should divide the national economy into two p a r t s , the rimary economy and the secondary economy. The primary economy is t h e n naturally the family economy – the households – which provides the prerequisites for the secondary economy to exist. Without the work and production of basic services in the households, no other economies would exist in any country.

This should therefore be called the primary economy, and the secondary economy should only be auxiliary to t h a t , nothing more nor less. Now, the situation is just the opposite: families are made to be auxiliary, to reproduce labour for the national economy. This i s the basic misunderstanding o r intentional misinterpretation on the part of the whole of Western economic thinking.

Can we create a sustainable economy? Recognition of the very basic fact which the figure illustrates provides u s women with a lot of food for thought.

First of all, it gives solid grounds for our claims that unpaid labour must be recognized in considering the basic factors contributing to human well-being. It also makes it perfectly clear that any economic thinking or calculation which does not take into account the very basis of human economy, Mother Nature, i s bound to be wrong and lead to disaster in the long r u n. That i s exactly what we are witnessing today in the world and in practically every one of our societies.

What can we do i n o r d e r to rectify the whole of the economic thinking and policies in the world from now on? I do not think there is any ready-made answer to this question. The least we can do i s to be critical: not to accept, not to go along with the prevailing economic system, even though it i s still normally considered a s if it were the only one possible.

W should t r y to liberate e ourselves from this kind of competitive, exploitative and disastrous economy, and s t a r t to create and practise another kind of economic thinking. The bases of the new economics could and should be the essential human needs – not the greeds! Traditionally, in farming families, everyone contributed according to hislher capabilities and received according to hislher needs. Moreo v e r , production took place on the terms of Nature – there was no other choice.

I have been working lately on tracing back how the relationship between women and nature appears in the light of history and mythology. There a r e quite a lot of indications that women’s relationship with nature seems originally to have been one of n u r t u r i n g it and utilizing it. Riane Eisler. It does not originally belong to t h e women’s domain at all. However, the d r i v i n g force of t h e whole Western c u l t u r e i s competition. T h e roots of t h e arms race a n d t h e economic race a r e in t h e competition for power.

Women a n d. It h a s revealed t h e futility of armies a n d weapons for p r o v i d i n g s e c u r i t y against nuclear arms a n d nuclear technology, against ecological damage, depletion of n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s a n d extinction of living species. Neither can armies p r o t e c t u s against dornebtic violence a n d r a p e r a t h e r t h e opposite.

At least t h i s indicates t h a t i t i s worthwhile to creative thinking. I have tried to highlight some of t h e experiences of ivon:en in the North in the process of industrial development.

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In the early s, unfavourable economic conditions forced some large scale industries to close down, retrench workers or render them redundant, whereas small scale industries expanded, and are still expanding. Between the first q u a r t e r of and the first q u a r t e r of , they created , new jobs in Western Germany Scala, The Japanese experience i s another ethnographic case of how the Japanese government encouraged small scale industries in agricultural and in many industrial sectors.

The Japanese successes in rapid and effective industrialisation is strongly correlated with the adaptation of indigenous small scale industries into contemporary manufacturing companies, on the one hand, and the incorporation of ideas of the g, the family system, in organising t h e large industries, on the other. These make the workers have a feeling of family solidarity by introducing welf a r e , and promotional systems that motivate workers into putting their best i n their companies Beardley, Hall and Ward, Contemporary large scale industries in Nigeria The strangulation of small scale industries in colonial and post-colonial e r a made room for the take-over of the economy by the transnational and government-owned industries.

Some studies of the large scale industries done at state levels show that they a r e inefficient and wasteful e. Anao, Between and , about state-owned limited liability companies were registered in Bendel State to pursue activities in industrial and commercial sectors.

Limited in Owerri Imo State and in Enugu Anambra State shows the effects of traditional values of et’ticiency of Western bureaucratic style of organisation. According to Eke , in Hardel and Enic Nig. L t d , there is a peaceful coexistence of both traditional values as ignored by Max Weber, and bureaucratic values as postulated by him. These two values operated simultaneously and effectively in most of the activities in the firm, e.

What Max Weber regards as detrimental to the efficiency of bureaucratic organisation in the West is what the managers and subordinates of Hardel and Enic Nig. Ltd appreciate most in the firm Eke, In Hardel and Enic Nig.

Ltd, traditional cultural values of workers were integrated into the cultural values of Western bureaucracy. These have the positive effect of ameliorating the rigidity of Western bureaucracy, and making work more meaningful and acceptable for the workers.

Consequently, they a r e able to perceive the firm as their personal property that should be protected at all costs. This i s similar to the situation in Japanese firms a s described b y Linhart The relevance of indigenous economic organisations to Nigeria Small scale industries establish face-to-face relationship between the boss and the subordinates similar to kinship relationship obtained in indigenous economic organisations which a r e organised in small groups of k i n s , relations and friends.

The collapse of these large scale industries saw the boom of the small scale industries. The manpower retrenched in various large scale i n d u s t r i e s , some unemployed school leavers and university graduates were absorbed into the existing small scale industries.

New small scale industries were established especially in the areas of food and metal industries. They began to make use of the local manpower and raw material resources which the large scale industries ignored d u r i n g the boom years.

Spare p a r t s were re-conditioned and new ones made with interior metal t h e so-called Taiwan make in Anambra and Imo states especially Onitsha-Nnewi-Owerri-Aba axis. The big Aladja and Ajaokuta iron and steel industries were unable to cope with the new situation. Ajaokuta was unable to produce flat iron sheets necessary for metal work which the small scale indigenous non-univer-. The small scale indigenous ‘engineers’ began to use scrap irons to make hoes, plates, iron and steel p o t s , boxes and machines and motor p a r t s.

Small scale meachanics, welders and vulcanizers emerged here and there and made it possible for private company and public vehicles to sustain the country’s transport system. While the Volkswagen Nigeria Ltd and the Peugeot Automobile Nigeria Ltd were contracting, the small motor-part makers and mechanics were expanding and even absorbing workers retrenched from the big companies.

This is the state of the present phase of the economy. It is at this stage that the Nigerian government came out with i t s small scale industry project which i s one of the four projects currently organised by the National Directorate of Employment in order to combat unemployment The main objective of the small scale industry project i s to encourage unemployment graduates and young entrepreneurs to establish small businesses, become self-employed, and provide employment for other workers Babangida, l; The Guardian 1 0.

W appreciate the fact that comprehene sive feasibility report of any business project can be very expensive. Given the financial predicament of the unemployed graduate, how can he afford such bills? Assuming that he finally presents a feasibility report of the proposed project, how authentic and genuine is i t , putting into consideration the high wave of corrupt and fraudulent practices which are prevalent in Nigeria?

The project is saddled with western individualism and bureaucratic exigencies which are foreign to success and inimical to growth of indigenous small scale industries in Nigeria. Conclusion It has been shown in this paper that indigenous economic organisations which a r e small scale are invaluable to the socio-economic and technological developments in Nigeria, and a s such should be encouraged to grow and prosper. In view of this, the following recommendations a r e made: 1 the Government should study the s t r u c t u r e and functions of indigenous traditional organisations and find ways of integrating them into the development plans, and ii the present method devised by the National Directorate of Employment to establish small scale industries i s inadequate from a cultural and sociological point of view and may not sustain the test of time a n d , a s such, should be restructured to reflect the needs of existing indigenous small scale industries.

Babangida, l. Eke, C. Nadel, S. Onwuejeogwu, M. Okiqbo, N. Segynola, A. Thesis ,. L ‘importance iconomique de t e l l e s e n t r e p r i s e s a e ‘ t i dimontree au Japon e t en A 2 Leqagne, e t L’e-cpdrience nige’riane r i c e n t e confirme q u ‘ s t i e s contribuent davantaqe au de’ueloppement sn raison de leur enrac-inement dans l a euLdeux r e ture povu’iaire. L’auteur fd? The Gaia Atlas and the Worldwatch Institute’s State of the World are circulating in more than a dozen languages, the Annual report of the World Resources Institute stands in easy reach of enlightened UN officials, and environmentalists across the world hail the report of the BrundtlandCommission as high-level testimony to their claims.

Yet my admiration for the reports i s increasingly stained with mistrust in their effects. The proposed policies of resource management, I am afraid, ignore the option of intelligent self-limitation and reduce ecology to a higher form of efficiency. Such a reductionism, I claim, implicitly affirms the universal validity of the economic world-view and will eventually spread further the Westernization of minds and habits, a cultural fall-out that in the long r u n also endangers the overall goal of sustainability.

Examples abound. Fortunately enough, t h e Worldwatch people s a y , the pict u r e i s not completely gloomy, but shows a streak of light in the distance. Shifting to less harmful means and concentrating on efficiency. Renewable fuels and fine tuning through conservation and careful management are typical r e sponses which point to the desired t a r g e t : resource efficiency.

Indeed, if one were to suggest a motto to be engraved above the entrance of the Worldwatch Institute, the obvious choice would be “More Out Of Less”.

I will not doubt the necessity of this approach nor will I quarrel with the soundness of the alternative solutions suggested. But i would like to draw attention to a hidden reductionism which t u r n s ecological politics from a call for new public virtues into a set of managerial s t r a tegies. As with a pair of pliers where p r e s s u r e is relieved by yielding the grip of both p a r t s , there are two possibilities to move out of the dangerous squeeze between growing demand and insufficient means: to consider an enlightened restraint of demand on the one hand and to deal diligently with the available means on the other.

In such a perspective, each society p u t s production highest on i t s list of values and seeks the good life through expanding and accelerating the economic apparatus. As the reports rarely question the predominant position of the economy in society, they implicitly take for granted that the world’s cultures converge in the steady desire for more material production.

This prejudice b a r s the way to examining closer – even for the overindustrialized countries of the North! Failing to do t h a t , the reports seem to consider less cornmodity-intensive, less professionalized, less speedy societies inherently deficient. Since they are unable to imagme diverse cultures that intentionally live on intermediate levels of material demand, they cannot but make the economic outlook appear a s the natural mode of human living.

Consequently, the view on the globe they propose continues in the tradition of “development” to assume that all circumstances have first to be judged according to the imperative of production, be i t even environmentally rational production. Ecological politics, however, which take the steady growth in demand for g r a n t e d , and limit themselves to propagating efficient means, fall into the t r a p to p u s h , in the name of ecology, for the f u r t h e r rationalization of the world.

Resources everywhere The myopia of conventional economists has become proverbial. While staring at the role of capital and labour, they ignore many other sources of wealth and well-being: from the unpaid labour of women backing up the world of production, to the silent workings of nature replenishing water, nutrients and energy. Eco-developers set out to overcome this tunnel vision; they prospect the broad range of lifesupporting factors to assure the sustainability of yields over the long term.

Und e r Worldwatch e y e s , more and more p a r t s of the world assume a new s t a t u s , they are disembedded from their local context and redefined as resources.

In what new light, however, do actions, things and people appear when they are redefined a s “resources”? Obviously they acquire importance because they a r e considered useful for some higher purpose.

They count not because of what they are but because of what they can become. They a r e stripped of their own worth in the present in o r d e r to be stripmined for somebody else’s use in the future. A resource i s something that has no value until it has been made into something else. Whatever i t s intrinsic value, it fades away under the claim of superior interests. For more than years tlie term “resource” has been used to survey the world for useful inputs into industry.

Consequently, perception has been trained to look at forests and see lumber, at rocks and see o r e , at landscapes and see real estate, at people and see human resources. To call something a “resource” means to place it under the authority of production. The old-fashioned synonym for “resources” reveals clearly how language can impart destiny: what can you do with “raw materials” except finish them in a manufacturing process?

It i s in national o r global accounting books that resources are specified, measured and assessed according to their relative productivity; it i s the capacity to boost GNP that constitutes a resource. Calling something a resource endows it with the availability to be exploited for the national interest.

In a non-economic perspective, things often have a meaning which makes them resistant to unlimited availability. For instance, in a Hindu village there is always a holy tree or a sacred grove which is untouchable. Gods a r e said to reside in their shadow; to cut them as timber would deprive the village of mighty protection. Consider another example: From Bolivia to ancient Germany, mines were regarded as wombs of Mother Earth where metals grow in slow gestation.

Entering this underground world with i t s mysteries meant crossing a treshold into a domain. Responsibility and care were required, and rituals were performed in order to ask for Mother’s generosity. Cooperation of nature also had to be obtained by the NorthAmerican Cree when they went hunting deer. For them, animals were not game out there to be killed, but had to be convinced, in a dialogue of rites and offerings, to present themselves to the h u n t e r s.

Indeed, hunting was an exchange between animals and man that was governed by friendship, coercion o r love, like an ordinary human relationship. In sum, understanding t r e e s , rocks or animals as animated beings in a wider cosmos where each element possesses i t s separate but related identity, entailed intrinsic limits on exploitation.

Even if they are renamed “resources” in o r d e r to maximize their efficient u s e , because of the cultural fall-out from the all-embracing economic cloud, i t will, in the f u t u r e , be much more difficult to have any intrinsic respect for them. Never enough The clock, we are warned, shows five minutes to twelve. Or even less. Be it Gaia, Worldwatch or Brundtland, they set off the alarm and seek to alert u s against the threat to the survival of the planet.

The message is fully credible. But the conclusion i s highly double-edged: ‘ s e c u r i n g survival” is the proclaimed target for all responsible planning.

However, has there e v e r been a society whose primary concern was survival? Probably not. Nomads might have fled d r o u g h t s , Florentine citizens may have hidden from the plague, soldiers in Verdun might have mobilized their last r e s e r v e s , b u t when has e v e r been proposed that society’s s t r u c t u r e should be geared towards securing s u r vival? Of course, previous cultures never deliberately neglected the requirements of survival, but neither did they pay them much attention.

Whatever their customs and rule, whatever their obsessions and fantasies, the conditions of physical existence were met in the course of the culture’s pursuit of higher goals. Survival was nothing else than the by-product of greater achievements. It was not an explicit concern, but a given banality. Yet, precisely in the historical epoch where riches have been amassed a s never before, eco-developers from all four winds raise their voice and call upon people and governments to put survival f i r s t.

A glance into the various Worldwatch papers and yearbooks recalls the most recent p a r t of the story how plenty vanished and scarcity assumed command. A short time ago it could be taken for granted that the great cycle of evaporation, condensation and precipitation fully replenished o u r sources of water, but overpumping for irrigation, which makes the water level d r o p , and pollution from i n d u s t r y , which r e n d e r s i t unsafe, have today turned fresh water into a scarce good.

As the World Resources Institute programmatically states on the first page of i t s report: “The global environment i s an interconnected web.. The human race relies on the environment and therefore must manage it wisely”. Clearly, the “therefore” is the c r u x of the matter: t h e scarcity of what was once plenty i s sealed and meant to be the base for a new type of management. While the supposition in the statement holds t r u e for all cultures, i t s conclusion highlights the hidden axiom of the economic worldview: there will be no boundaries to material progression.

It is only when this axiom reigns that water, air and soil become and remain scarce. Taking the scarcity of natural riches for granted, however, is the base for the ecodeveloper’s intervention: i t becomes his task to monitor and manage what has now turned into a scarce resource.

They will never tell you what ends you will finally achieve “managing wisely” your means; for them ends a r e faceless, they have only one, just formal character: they a r e infinite.

For the economic world-view, needs will always become claims on material production. Well-being, in this perspective, is recast a s wellhaving. Society’s welfare, therefore, depends in the first place on material output. Setting out to manage “global resources”, world watchmen imply the world-wide victory of this specifically modern outlook as a f a i t accornpli.

What separates them from the conventional economist, i s their straightforward recognition of environmental limits to production; what ties them nevertheless to the economic worldview, is the failure to appreciate cultural limits to the predominance of production, cultural limits that render production less important and consequently relieve also environmental pressure.

As diverse a s these societies have been, they h a d , nevertheless, one thing in common: they aspired to something other than producing and spent their s u r p l u s on whatever g r a n d design. The West has decided to spend i t on multiplying o u t p u t ; eco-developers tacitly accept that formula for the entire globe. Always rational Throughout the Worldwatch p a p e r s , one frequently meets persons of a particular virtue.

Both lights were equally b r i g h t , although the conventional model uses 75 and the new one only 18 watts. He explained: “We should get used to seeing the purchase of an electricity-saving device like constructing a tiny power plant in the home. The new bulb, in f a c t , is producing 57 negawatts, i.

And the saved electricity can be sold to another client, making new power plants superfluous”. Indeed, this could nicely e x p r e s s the efficiency ethos in a nutshell: “Produce negawatts! And this tends to blur the shift from the housekeeping to the efficiency ethos. Good housekeeping i s the traditional ideal of subsistence-oriented households. What i s t h e r e is not collected, preserved and reused: Food i s s t o r e d , tools are carefully maintained, furniture is handed down from generation to generation.

Choice of an efficient means has nothing to do with keeping expenses down, but aims at obtaining a higher r e t u r n in o r d e r to liberate funds for f u r t h e r investments.

Wlule the former implies infinite progression, the latter derives from a sense of enoughness. Both attitudes can easily conflict a s soon as a gain in efficiency would require money; the Indian peasant may, therefore, prefer to b u r n piles of cow d u n g , which involves no money expense, r a t h e r than buy a biodigest e r , though it uses less cow d u n g to obtain the same amount of heat.

More fundamentally, the peasant might not want to care at all, because he has other preferences in life. After all, the efficiency imperative demands leaving nothing idle and selecting – in terms of money, effort and environmental consequences – the least costly way to achieve a goal. Our peasant, however, might not be happy with the waterproof roof the “development” agency provided, and replace it with the t r a ditional roof of leaves and branches which requires major repairs each year.

Actions are often over-determined and serve a host of purposes; to t u r n mere effectiveness into efficiency means to delete the other concerns and to privilege the naked means-end relationship. Once that privilege is erected, means count only as means; any consideration of context, quality, style or esthetics tends to become irrelevant.

The model of rational choice, in fact, i s based on the assumption that means have been purified of any context, since they are considered to b e interchangeable according to the highest r e t u r n and calculable according to a single yardstick, generally either money o r energy.

The reports do more than simply propose new strategies; they also tell people how to see nature, society and their own actions. The more their language i s adopted around the globe, the more difficult will it be to see nature in terms of respect and not a s a resource, society i n terms of the common good and not of production, and action in terms of virtue and not of efficiency.

Now t h e North i s becoming o r making itself additionally depend e n t also on t h e T h i r d World markets and demand.

Northern a n d S o u t h e r n , t h e outcome might b e s u r p r i s i n g : a f t e r a s h o r t period in a kind of s h o c k , t h e South would finally become really self-reliant and develop i t s life a n d institutions rapidly and independently.

But the Northern halt’ would really be i n trouble. However, once upon a time – in Finland, no longer ago than in my childhood – we were able t o live a decent life primarily on o u r own, with respect to both fuel and food supply. This gives an idea of the vulnerability of the kind of development we have created. There a r e a lot more indications of i t s malignancy. As to solidarity, I will come later on to sisterhood, a s I would r a t h e r call it among women. The industrial society through the eyes of women Through t h e y e a r s , development talks have been conducted a s if t h e development problems existed only in the South.

I often call t h i s approach in t h e North ‘looking at the world through a telescope’. Women from t h e South have asked with good reason whether there a r e any problems in the North at all.

The microcosm of the family a s a social unit has dispersed, when many of i t s original functions have been t r a n s f e r r e d to public institutions, i n d u s t r y and business. The nuclear family that remains is u n d e r p r e s s u r e from within and without. The work-load of women has constantly increased, despite t h e multitude of public services and the mechanization of housework. In earlier d a y s , women worked only one – albeit long – s h i f t ; now, most of them do a double o r even triple shift.

Non-material human needs mutual r e s p e c t , dignity, meaningful work and life, t e n d e r n e s s , caring, n u r t u r e , human relations have been ignored in the economic p r o g r e s s , and t h u s satisfaction of these needs has been left to women, in addition to all their o t h e r duties.

Both women and n a t u r e a r e eventually raped! The military systems a n d t h e arms race mark t h e climax of the hierarchies. They imply total a b u s e of t h e scarce r e s o u r c e s available to humanity. All t h i s h a s taken place within t h e process of economic growth, prog r e s s in technology, a rising s t a n d a r d of public education, and intensification of production a n d consumption. The a d v e r s e implications of t h i s development, many of which remain unseen due to a lack of awaren e s s among women a n d to t h e i r self-imposed adjustment to male terms in society, have been p a r t l y excused b y t h e favourable effects of t h a t same process.

This historical p r o c e s s was also discussed in t h e r e p o r t of t h e Asian a n d Pacific C e n t r e of Women and Development workshop, The women’s movement i n the V e s t passed through a period o f i n t e n s i v e , dramatic s o c i a l and economic change t h a t removed prod u c t i o n from t h e home, c o n t r i b u f i n q t o aeva’Luation o f uomen’s household production and household maintenance, t h e i r e x c l u s i o n from s o c i a l and economic power and resources, and t h e n o t i o n t h a t men work and women have b a b i e s.

The recent example of the commonality of the consequences for women is the so-called world economic c r i s i s , or the debt problem.

In the South, it has led to forceful p r e s s u r e on the governments to adjust their economies to the terms dictated by the International Monetary Fund. In the North, it has led to so-called manageable structural change – the term used by the Finnish Government – which is in fact adjustment of the economies of the industrialized countries to the merciless terms of the international economy, and is hardly manageable at all by the national governments.

All s t r u c t u r a l adjustment policies are gender biased, since they ignore the unpaid labour of women. This work, however, keeps society going. The t r u t h is that unpaid labour in villages and families is the final lifeline for people all over the world when macro-economic measures do not work o r may even collapse.

Most of this activity is initiated and developed by women. In industrialized countries, the economic s t r u c t u r e s have grown rapidly in size and power in recent years. This implies t h a t they a r e less and less u n d e r the control of anybody, either the government o r the people. People a r e manipulated into adjusting to the role of conspicuous consumers, who do not control even their personal n e e d s , let alone their lives o r their society.

The children and youth a r e the victims of arrogant marketing and manipulation b y advertizing and entertainment industries, which reduces them to powerless puppets of competition and consumption.

It would quickly be seen in a n y family of the ‘invisible h a n d s ‘ stopped working o r if t h e ‘invisible p l a n n e r and administrator’ went on s t r i k e.

The magnitude of t h e d e b t problem i s t h e s t r o n g e s t indication that something h a s failed profoundly in world development. The more t h e Finnish ent e r p r i s e s e x p a n d and become transnational, t h e less power the Finnish people have t o control t h e i r own economy and terms of life. It i s not only t h e sovereignty of t h e T h i r d World countries which i s being hijacked: t h e sovereignty of e v e r y c o u n t r y i s affected.

W a r e all victims of the same inhuman international economic o r d e r. But a r e t h e r e alternatives? Any o t h e r philosophy to explain and clarify t h e economics of human e n d e a v o u r s?

To what e x t e n t could i t be possible a n d on what terms? This question can b e asked also about a nation. It i s a question of what self-reliance, independence, sovereignty and self-determination actually mean.

Is dependency automatically the necessary price for affluence? The full picture of economy. In this figure. Hazel Henderson has illustrated what i s the actual foundation on which all nionetarized economy is built.

The second layer, consisting of all kinds of unpaid labour and production, i s different in different societies today, depending on their stage of monetarization.

The top two layers also vary greatly in size, depending on the socalled level of development. In rich industrialized countries, the top layers are relatively bigger than in Third World countries. The essential fact i s that the top layers rest on the lower layers: they could not exist without the base, comprising Mother Nature and the unpaid work of her daughters in delivering, nurturing and providing the basic care for young and old, male and female human beings.

Can we create a sustainable economy? Also most of the polluting organic matter has been transformed into minerals, but nothing can be done if there are heavy metals present because of industrial pollution, which is not a problem with the IFS. The highly mineralized water encourages plankton growth to feed various species of fish and prawn if u s e d , and also makes the aquatic and land plants grow faster.

These plants remove the minerals so efficiently that the final effluent is almost pure water, which is never the case with any conventional sewage treatment plant anywhere in the world. The Dike-Pond area in the Pearl River Delta is lucky because there is not much grazing by cattle, sheep and goat, o r monoculture without crop rotation, a s in some neighboring places which should replace such bad practices with integrated farming systems, so i t has no soil depletion problems.

Such activities can revive the fertility of large areas of land that have been depleted of their nutrients because ot excessive grazing o r monoculture worldwide. The system of dikes and ponds also p r e v e n t s erosion of the precious soil because i t can only b e washed from t h e dikes into the ponds.

The mud from the bottom of all ponds is removed by means of a special pump and spread on the dikes every two months, before broadcasting new seeds in the multicropping process that can yield up to 1 2 crops of leafy vegetables yearly in hot climates, without tilling, using the highly mineralized pond water tor irrigation and fertilization.

There is no doubt that the energy inputoutput balance in the IFS of Livestock-Aquaculture-Agriculture-Industry will be much more favorable when the actual production figures of the Pilot Plant are obtained.

Still we do not have to worry too much about marketing our produce at p r e s e n t , because of the huge insatiable Chinese market and the versatility of the Chinese who do not have many cultural, social o r religious qualms concerning food. As the saying goes, the Chinese will eat anything with legs except humans, tables and chairs, and do not care where the food comes from as long a s i t ‘ s well cooked and tastes good;.

Chan G. UCN Canada. Zhonq C. Chan C. In the. USA, “Microbial Control of of Eutrophication Food ana! Wanq C. Esta v e r s i o n ha s i d o enriquecida media :r’Cticas, comentcir’ios y a p o n e s ccmple’r. Contrariamente a otros usos corrientes, definimos aqui cultura como ‘la suma de elementos de 10s cuales un grupo social, en nuestro caso la poblaci6n urbana y suburbana pobre, dispone para responder a 10s desafios y condiciones cambiantes de la realidad’.

Estos elementos pueden s e r tanto de c a r i c t e r material — herramientas, tip0 de vivienda, costumbres alimenticias e incluso pricticas de medicina popular — como asimismo de naturaleza inmaterial — conductas sociales, creencias y pricticas religiosas o attitudes politicas.

De e s t e rnodo, se puede llegar a glorificar la pobreza, a reducirla a algo romantico, folkl6rico o curioso, o se puede caer en una vision sombria que asocia la pobreza con la inconciencia, el letargo y la incapacidad de vivir. Ninguna de estas opciones vienen a1 caso: 10s pobres de la ciudad viven su vida y tratan de manejarla con elementos y valores propios. Su cult u r a no se agota en carencias o negaciones de culturas de otros sectores. Por el contrario, tiene s u propio s t a t u s , uno cuyas dimensiones y caracteristicas deben s e r descubiertas desde adentro de la cultura y con la participaci6n de s u s propios protagonistas.

Es en ese sentido que nos abstenernos d e hacer juicios d e valor sobre estos elementos: nos contentamos con indicar que aparenternente existen y con seftalar s u incidencia positiva o negativa sobre las posibilidades de supervivencia colectiva del grupo. Algunos elementos de indole general Se puede constatar la presencia de diversos mecanisrnos de defensa, que se ponen de manifiesto tanto a nivel individual corno a nivel colectivo.

EstAn, por ejernplo, el ‘fternbotavy’ hacerse el tonto ; la opci6n por una manera d e expresarse poco clara y afirrnativa a1 hablar; el no q u e r e enf r e n t a r en forma directa u n problema o a una persona que pone dificultades; la represi6n o autorepresibn de las manifestaciones de rabia o enojo; no q u e r e asumir cornpromisos; la predisposici6n a criticar y c a e r l e ‘ a1 que se cornprorneti6 a nivel colectivo; la terquedad con la cual se defiende una posici6n que expresa negaci6n o resistencia.

Particularmente notables e s la fuerza con la cual la poblaci6n, a traves de e s t e tipo de mecanismos, se resiste a cambiar s u s costumbres, creen-. El10 echa por t i e r r a 10s anhelos d e 10s poderosos, de 10s patrones, las patronas y 10s e d u c a d o r e s ‘ del pueblo en todos 10s ambientes en 10s cuales estos se manit’iestan. Dentro de este context0 cabe mencionar tambien la gran capacidad de improvisaci6n de la gente: cJn estrategias tradicionales de respuesta a 10s impactos del medio, la gente intenta — y muchas veces consigue -transformar elementos concretos que constituyen obsticulos de la vida diaria en elementos utiles para la superviviencia y defensa de s u s propios intereses.

Una postura que se asume frecuentemente e s el inmediatismo: se vive el p r e s e n t e , no se toman muchas previsiones ni se planit’ica el futuro. Esto implica que las dificultades, cuando finalmente son percibidas colectivumente como tales, casi siempre se han convertido ya en problemas agudos: para entonces, ya requieren una soluci6n urgente que debe s e r adoptada en medio de circunstancias que ejercen considerable presi6n y limitan 10s cursos de acci6n posibles.

Como consecuencia, hay reacciones antes que acciones, junto con conductas puramente pricticas ante 10s hechos que se presentan. Contrariamente a 10 que algunos c r e e n , la falta de previsi6n no constituye un hecho cultural de por s i ; basta recordar que las culturas campesinas conocen la previsi6n y la consideraci6n del f u t u r o , por ejemplo, a t r a v e s d e la neeesidad de guardar semillas para la siembra del aiio e n t r a n t e.

Es decir, e n casos d e incompatibilidad, se t r a t a de luchar por el bienestar individual o familiar a6n si ell0 va en detriment0 del bienestar colectivo. Otro element0 cultural muy fuerte e s la religiosidad. Estos elementos proyectados por la religion se mezclan alli con 10s conceptos y valores q u e la realidad d i a n a d e la vida y del trabajo torma en l a s personas: estan interrela-.

Sin embargo, estos valores ya no constituyen un cuerpo compact0 y cerrado, sin0 mas bien u n conglomerado mis suelto de valores; algunos se retienen y se van ai’irmando, mientras que otros son reemplazados paulatinamente por valores dictados y vilidados por la practica diaria.

Nos limitamos a sefialar valores que son prornovidos por una o varias de las iglesias institucionales a t r a v e s d e s u presencia e n 10s sectores populares. Pero tambien se encuentra la i.

Finalmente, cabe sefialar, eritre 10s elernentos culturales de indole general, la tremenda capacidad? La vida y la lucha por la supervivencia e s enfrentada en muchos casos con confianza y fuerza. Se aprovechan todos 10s espacios disponibles para ‘estar bien’ y hasta para alegrarse. Queda, sin embargo, un interrogante:? Forrnas culturales como respuesta a problemas colectivos Frente a problemas concretos que se presentan a nivel grupal o barrial, generalmente s e espera que la iniciativa para resolverlos sea asurnida por otros.

La colectividad tiende a descargar la responsabilidad sobre algfin individuo, y con ello, s u s integrantes tienden a asumir el rol de s e g u i d o r e s ‘. Raras veces ocurre que una persona asuma un inter6s colectivo en base a una responsabilidad sentida a nivel personal, y es diffcil que se comprometa en una organizacibn. Se hace valer mas bien conceptos que justifican la reserva de la persona, y que demuestran la inconveniencia de arriesgarse como individuo responsable en nombre de un interes colectivo.

Es comun escuchar expresiones tales como ‘no te metas’, ‘ocupate dc tu familial, ‘despues la gente va a hablar mal de vos’, ‘te van a criticar’, ‘la gente e s desagradecida, no sabe valorarl. Un ‘fie enga’ dicho aplicable en este caso, ‘ofiekuava osevai’ ‘el que se ofrece, sale malt , forma parte de valores de conducta sugeridos y practicados dentro de estructuras autoritarias; constituye un mecanismo de defensa en situaciones que de entrada coartan las posibilidades de un accionar participativo.

En lugar de enfrentar 10s problemas por medio de la organizaci6n. Esta actitud es frecuentemente citada -pero pocas veces analizada — en relacion a 10s factores que la motivan. Pensamos que algunos de esos factores son 10s siguientss:. A culpar de esta manera la propio mar1 g-inalizado de s u rnarginacibn, niiseria y pobreza, la sociedad, a. Los sectores populares, a pesar de s e r mayoritarios, no accedieron nunca ni a 10s instrumentos ni a1 espacio necesarios para enfrentar sus propios problemas.

A no poder acceder a puestos de autoridad, esa 1 e s t r u c t u r a mental hace que 10s sectores populares asuman el de dominados y sometidos. Ya desde la escuela se enseiia que ‘no hay que hacer nada sin que se te diga’. Esta suerte de fatalism0 nace de la experiencia cotidiana de una vida pautada y deterrninada por las autoridades o , alternativamente, por un destino oscuro que se relaciona tarnbien con el concept0 de la predeterrninacibn en 10 religioso.

Existe cierta predisposici6n autosugestiva a creer que la autoridad personificada e s fundamentalmente buena e intcresada en promover el bien cornfin, 10 que motiva expectativas en este sentido. Ademas, tambi6n hay determinantes nateriales que inciden negativarnente sobre las posibilidades de encarar 10s problemas colectivarnente, como por ejernplo, la situaci6n economica apremiante.

El10 hace diflcil que la gente de estos sectores, dentro del sinfin de preocupaciones vitales cotidianas, dedique mucho tiempo o tenga un interes mis que pasajero en cuestiones relacionadas con la organizaci6n grupal o cornunitaria. La misma inestabilidad de 10s ernpleos o trabajos, que puede implicar cambios repentinos e n el horario o en el lugar de trabajo, dificulta la participaci6n en tareas organizativas con la constancia que ella requerirfa.

Asimismo, 10s sectores populares suelen equiparar 10s esfuerzos por organizarse con la subversion, sea como consecuencia de amenazas o del recuerdo de hechos represivos del pasado. El10 contribuye a1 desarrollo de actitudes autorepresivas. Incluso, se puede constatar q u e , en algunos intentos de soluci6n colectiva de 10s problemas a traves de organizaciones que surgen esporadi-. Los demis esperan y se desentienden del asunto sin pretender mayor participaci6n en las decisiones y las tareas.

Los mecanismos de toma de decision que se aplican son, por lo general, 10s que la sociedad formal considera corno democriticos: las decisiones son preparadas y adoptadas en reuniones, aplicandose el voto por rnayoria en caso de no haber consenso.

Segun esta pauta, la r e u n i 6 n r v e para la mera ratificaci6n del concenso alcanzado en las discusiones informales previas. La vigencia latente de esta pauta dificulta la toma de decisiones en base a mecanismos democrhticos ‘occidentales’. En estas circunstancias, la aplicacion de mecanismos ‘occidentales’ no garantiza que las decisiones adoptadas sean realmente asumidas posteriormente por todos y cada uno de 10s participantes del proceso. En cuanto a estrategias para resolver problemas, no se reivindica tanto el cumplimiento de derechos ya establecidos y supuestamente respetados por las autoridades.

El recurso mbs cornfin, y tal vez el mAs expedito en el context0 de la sociedad actual, e s el de r e c u r r i r a ‘compadres’, funcionarios en posici6n influyente, lideres de partido, etc. Si estos pueden intervenir y resolver problemas, 10 hacen corno favor y rnuestra de benevolencia personal, vale decir, en base a mecanismos de tipo clientelista antes que a partir de una realizaci6n efectiva de una norrna legal que e s , o que deberia s e r , valida para todos.

De este modo, 10s valores proyeetados por la sociedad y s u s instituclones frecuentemente carecen de contenido y validez efectiva: no son verdaderamente respetados e n la p r i c t i c a , sino mis bien asurnidos como apariencia cuando hay q u e enfrentar una presi6n o un control ineludible. Entre 10s ejemplos de hechos y actuaciones amparados por 10s mencionados valores morales de la ‘ s u b l e g d i d a d ‘ , podemos citar:.

Esto no o c u r r e solamente a nivel de 10s sectores populares, sin0 que constituye una prhctica generahzada. A nivel de 10s p o b r e s , sin embargo, adquiere mayor importancia cuando el engaiio — evasion de controles, impuestos y fiscalizaciones, por ejemplo — e s cond i c i h necesaria para sobrevivir. En estos casos, la lucha por la supervivencia marca y dicta pautas de valoraci6n q u e no pueden mis q u e romper con codigos y consideraciones morales tradicionales.

Y dad0 q u e son valores percibidos como ‘vigentes de hecho’, tampoco son mayormente sometidos a presiones o correctivos, sean grupales o colectivos. A nuestro p a r e c e r , estos nuevos valores no deben s e r vistos como antivalores o valores negativos, asociados a la delincuencia o a ‘las malas costumbres’. Son valores q u e marcan conductas, pautas y attitudes de 10 q u e se podria llamar una sociedad paralela o sociedad informal, tal como s e habla de una economia informal , y que constituye un sistema normative perfectamente ‘normal’ e n esa ‘otra’ sociedad.

Quer6moslo o n o , nos g u s t e o no nos g u s t e , 10s sectores urbanos pobres adoptan valores q u e , en s u ambiente, les permitirhn la supervivencia: si necesitan r o b a r , r o b a r i n , y para ellos, estarh bien.

T h e meetings will d i s c u s s t h e pathways b y which environmental, economic, social, cultural a n d political c h a n g e impact on the health of t h e affected populations.

Les 3rsr. This also implies increased efforts to achieve optimum utilization of o u r human and material resources; i x development of technology; X increase productivity; and x i the promotion of a new national orientation conducive to greater discipline, b e t t e r attitude to work and cleaner environment Federal Ministry of National Planning, l : 3 7. But experience in Nigeria since the First National Development Plan , has shown that i t is difficult to achieve the expected goals because of lack of plan discipline, emergence of corruption in a large scale, lack of proper statistical data, lack of indigenous manpower in key positions etc.

Nigeria emphasizes the establishment of large scale industries e. Investment on indigenous small scale industries i. The Third National Development Plan stated that the main objectives of the Government programmes for the establishment of small scale industries are the creation of employment opportunities, mobilization of local resources, mitigation of rural-urban migration, and distribution of industrial enterprises in different p a r t s of the country Federal Ministry of Economic.

Planning, Plans on how to develop small scale industries are contained in the Fourth National Development Plan. The above sounds good and commendable but it says little o r nothing about how to encourage t h e development of existing indigenous small scale industries.

This is a very serious omission because the indigenous socio-economic system which had enabled the development of complex kingdoms and states in Nigeria was rooted on small scale industries which flourished, for instance, in Awka, Benin, Nupe, Oyo and Zaria i n pre-colonial e r a , slave trade not-with-standing.

This aspect will be discussed below. This paper is in four p a r t s. The first part discusses the traditional and contemporary indigenous small scale industries. The second focuses on the contemporary large scale industries in Nigeria. The third deals with the relevance of indigenous economic organisation to Nigeria while the final part draws conclusions and make recommendations. Indigenous small scale industries: past and present The development of indigenous centralized and non-centralized states in Africa especially i n West Africa and Nigeria has intrigued anthropologists, sociologists, historians and political economist S.

They agreed that each indigenous state had an economic base which sustained it such a s long distant t r a d e , local crafts and technology, occupational guilds and associations. Smith on Zaria; Alagoa on Ijo; Bohannan on Tiv; Onwuejeogwu on Nri-Igbo; and Bradbury on Benin establish beyond doubt that guilds and associations of small and medium scale industries formed the basic work and industrial group s t r u c t u r e of production, distribution and consumption in the states.

The g r o u p s made iron implements used for planting grain which was an important food item that sustained the kingdom’s economy. Bida people manufactured sophisticated bronze and b r a s s household materials, decorative trinkets and bangles. The glass and bead industries were rich and prosperous; manned by small group of persons related through kinship and non-kinship ties. These few ethnography examples support the theories put forward h e r e , that small scale groups indigenous economic organisation formed the basis of effective production in traditional Nigerian economy.

Anao, Between and , about state-owned limited liability companies were registered in Bendel State to pursue activities in industrial and commercial sectors. They include cement, glass and textile industries; brewery industry; insurance, banking, clearing houses and consultancy; woodwork; laundry; supermarkets and gambling industry. These economic activities were traditionally reserved for the private entrepren e u r s. By the end of the decade, the state-owned industries started to collapse and were consequently criticized by the public for poor perforrnance.

In his effort to find out the causal f a c t o r s , Anao conducted an indepth study of the Bendel Construction Company Limited. He discovered that the company failed because of lack of clear and rational objectives for investments coupled with the appointment of successive boards of directors who were ill-equipped and unsuitable for the needs of the company Anao, He also criticized the structural organisation of the company a s faulty though he did not state the nature of the human relationship which is pursued for effective management and production.

Ajaokuta was unable to produce flat iron sheets necessary for metal work which the small scale indigenous non-univer-. The small scale indigenous ‘engineers’ began to use scrap irons to make hoes, plates, iron and steel p o t s , boxes and machines and motor p a r t s. Small scale meachanics, welders and vulcanizers emerged here and there and made it possible for private company and public vehicles to sustain the country’s transport system. While the Volkswagen Nigeria Ltd and the Peugeot Automobile Nigeria Ltd were contracting, the small motor-part makers and mechanics were expanding and even absorbing workers retrenched from the big companies.

The completion of the above requirements Nos i-iii present little or no problems to the applicants. However, concern should be expressed about requirement No i v which deals with comprehensive feasibility report of the proposed project. W appreciate the fact that comprehene sive feasibility report of any business project can be very expensive. Given the financial predicament of the unemployed graduate, how can he afford such bills?

Furthermore, it is observed that loans are given to qualified unemployed individuals who have little or no experience of business management to s t a r t new businesses These loans should be given, instead, to existing established entrepreneurs of indigenous small scale. It seems that in i t s present form the project i s organised on a n individual basis for those who can satisfy the requirements for selection, and not necessarily on developing and expanding the existing indigenous small scale industries.

I should show gratitude and relief. It i s t r u e , the curtain of silence is finally pulled away from the global survival crisis and a series of data and tables reveal the vast panorama of today’s threats and perils. The evidence i s indeed undebatable. Also the appeal for urgent responsible action has been long overdue and cannot but command consent. Conversion i s indeed indispensable. Yet my admiration for the reports i s increasingly stained with mistrust in their effects. The proposed policies of resource management, I am afraid, ignore the option of intelligent self-limitation and reduce ecology to a higher form of efficiency.

Such a reductionism, I claim, implicitly affirms the universal validity of the economic world-view and will eventually spread further the Westernization of minds and habits, a cultural fall-out that in the long r u n also endangers the overall goal of sustainability. More out of less Each of the 80 odd Worldwatch papers, for example, paints a picture of the global state of affairs which looks roughly a s follows: On the one hand we see how more and more people with increasing- needs for food, shelter, health care or e n e r g y , a r e demanding to be recognized, as the population grows and some inequality is levelled.

Fortunately enough, t h e Worldwatch people s a y , the pict u r e i s not completely gloomy, but shows a streak of light in the distance.

Under the new prescriptions, economies are supposed to “work out” until they reach overall fitness, instead of simply putting on more muscle until they break some record, as in the decades after the war. Optimizing, not maximizing, i s the order of the day, and both engineers and economists take renewed pleasure in their trade puzzling out the minimum input for each unit of output. Yet, disregard for t h e first alternative – to consider an enlightened restraint of supply-oriented demands – t r a p s the world watchmen into the economic world-view.

Eco-developers set out to overcome this tunnel vision; they prospect the broad range of lifesupporting factors to assure the sustainability of yields over the long term. Through their glasses, numerous things and actions which so far had been taken for granted as part of ordinary life acquire a new, dramatic significance: they change into valuable resources. Cow dung for example, kindled b y the Senegalese peasant to heat water in the cooking p o t , suddenly becomes an energy resource; the scrap metal used b y a Peruvian squatter to build an annex to his hut takes on the dignity of a recoverable i n p u t ; Kenyan women cultivating village fields a r e discovered to be human resources for boosting food production.

Obviously they acquire importance because they a r e considered useful for some higher purpose. They count not because of what they are but because of what they can become. They a r e stripped of their own worth in the present in o r d e r to be stripmined for somebody else’s use in the future. A resource i s something that has no value until it has been made into something else. Whatever i t s intrinsic value, it fades away under the claim of superior interests.

For more than years tlie term “resource” has been used to survey the world for useful inputs into industry. Consequently, perception has been trained to look at forests and see lumber, at rocks and see o r e , at landscapes and see real estate, at people and see human resources.

To call something a “resource” means to place it under the authority of production. The old-fashioned synonym for “resources” reveals clearly how language can impart destiny: what can you do with “raw materials” except finish them in a manufacturing process?

Gods a r e said to reside in their shadow; to cut them as timber would deprive the village of mighty protection. Consider another example: From Bolivia to ancient Germany, mines were regarded as wombs of Mother Earth where metals grow in slow gestation. Entering this underground world with i t s mysteries meant crossing a treshold into a domain. Responsibility and care were required, and rituals were performed in order to ask for Mother’s generosity.

Cooperation of nature also had to be obtained by the NorthAmerican Cree when they went hunting deer. For them, animals were not game out there to be killed, but had to be convinced, in a dialogue of rites and offerings, to present themselves to the h u n t e r s. Indeed, hunting was an exchange between animals and man that was governed by friendship, coercion o r love, like an ordinary human relationship.

In sum, understanding t r e e s , rocks or animals as animated beings in a wider cosmos where each element possesses i t s separate but related identity, entailed intrinsic limits on exploitation. Labelling things as “resources” takes off whatever protective identity they may have and opens them for intervention from the outside. Looking at water, soils, animals, people in terms of resources reconstitutes them as objects for management by planners and for prizing by economists. Even if they are renamed “resources” in o r d e r to maximize their efficient u s e , because of the cultural fall-out from the all-embracing economic cloud, i t will, in the f u t u r e , be much more difficult to have any intrinsic respect for them.

Never enough The clock, we are warned, shows five minutes to twelve. Or even less. Be it Gaia, Worldwatch or Brundtland, they set off the alarm and seek to alert u s against the threat to the survival of the planet. The message is fully credible. But the conclusion i s highly double-edged: ‘ s e c u r i n g survival” is the proclaimed target for all responsible planning. However, has there e v e r been a society whose primary concern was survival? Probably not. Nomads might have fled d r o u g h t s , Florentine citizens may have hidden from the plague, soldiers in Verdun might have mobilized their last r e s e r v e s , b u t when has e v e r been proposed that society’s s t r u c t u r e should be geared towards securing s u r vival?

Of course, previous cultures never deliberately neglected the requirements of survival, but neither did they pay them much attention. Whatever their customs and rule, whatever their obsessions and fantasies, the conditions of physical existence were met in the course of the culture’s pursuit of higher goals.

Survival was nothing else than the by-product of greater achievements.

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